Rules for Radicals: A Pragmatic Primer for Realistic Radicals

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Rules for Radicals: A Pragmatic Primer for Realistic Radicals

3.81 of 5 stars 3.81 · rating details · 1,806 ratings · 238 reviews

First published in 1971, Rules for Radicals is Saul Alinsky's impassioned counsel to young radicals on how to effect constructive social change and know “the difference between being a realistic radical and being a rhetorical one.” Written in the midst of radical political developments whose direction Alinsky was one of the first to question, this volume exhibits his style...more

Paperback, 196 pages

Published October 23rd 1989 by Vintage (first published December 12th 1969)

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Jun 25, 2012 Hadrian rated it 3 of 5 stars

Shelves: nonfiction, politics-and-foreign-policy, social-justice

So this is the infamous Rules for Radicals. Believed by some on the far right as the Gospel according to St. Stalin of the Church of Satanic-Marxism-Leninism.

To be fair, it does hold interesting discussions of community organization, communication, across class and racial bounds to demand reform. Something which will upset conservatives, naturally, as they prefer for things to stay the same, or changed more slowly. There is much valuable to be learned here, for both left and right.

The big gripe...more

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Mar 01, 2012 Mike (the Paladin) rated it 1 of 5 stars

Freely admitting I did not read this "thing" in detail...this is not my first brush with this small yet putrid tomb. I graduated high school in 1970...was cursed for wearing my dress army greens...and had friends who bought/buy into the poison Alinsky (a hero to many of the current administration in the white house) spews. From the opening appeal to Lucifer through it's "the ends justify the means" attitude it turns my stomach.

A quote:
"Means and ends are so qualitatively interrelated that the t...more Freely admitting I did not read this "thing" in detail...this is not my first brush with this small yet putrid tomb. I graduated high school in 1970...was cursed for wearing my dress army greens...and had friends who bought/buy into the poison Alinsky (a hero to many of the current administration in the white house) spews. From the opening appeal to Lucifer through it's "the ends justify the means" attitude it turns my stomach.

A quote:
"Means and ends are so qualitatively interrelated that the true question has never been the proverbial one, "does the End justify the Means?" but always has been "Does this particular end justify this particular means?""
page 47 in ISBN# 978-0-679-72113-0 (from back cover of book)

In spite of the reference to Thomas Paine at this book's opening the writer had little or no idea of what this country stands for and was meant to be. (The reference is apparently meant to be due to the fact that Paine was a "rabble rouser". The ideas expressed bear no resemblance to any espoused at America's founding). Like Walter Lippmann he appeals to a group that sees itself as an elite (ideally) ruling class. He buys into a "the end justifies the means" outlook and freely advises things like shutting your enemy up when you can't defeat their arguments.

I'm sure some will roll their eyes and shriek at my posting here expressing disgust at my "closed mindedness" and "provincial attitude"...right. Don't feel too bad, the government in power espouses and operates by the ideas expressed here. May we all survive it.

Yes I know that I usually walk a little more lightly when I disagree with the ides a book expresses, but upon reflection I "thought and felt" that where this book is concerned that might not be the wisest way. After all, if you agree with this book, I doubt I'll change your mind. All I can do is try to make sure that anyone who reads it does it with an open and alert mind and doesn't go into it with the "dewy eyed outlook seeing it in the rosy glow" it's proponents project for it. I've dealt with the "if you disagree with us your weird (and yes other names and epithets)" attitude for years now...what's one more instance?

By the way, I do recommend a reading of this to at least get the ideas espoused. As I'm apparently part of what he refers to as "the enemy" I need to know the thoughts to some extent. My rating is for attitude and the amount of hate and condescension spewed here. (less)

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Aug 09, 2007 Megan rated it 3 of 5 stars

Shelves: non-fiction, activism

There are definite aspects of Alinsky's book that are getting a little outdated. It's interesting to read the final chapters, and see his hope for what essentially has become the responsible investment movement - a large part of which is students on campuses getting their schools to divest from companies involved in business with unethical political regimes - and to know the limits of that movement, and its failure to cause 'a middle class revolution' like the one he envisions. But then, his hop...more There are definite aspects of Alinsky's book that are getting a little outdated. It's interesting to read the final chapters, and see his hope for what essentially has become the responsible investment movement - a large part of which is students on campuses getting their schools to divest from companies involved in business with unethical political regimes - and to know the limits of that movement, and its failure to cause 'a middle class revolution' like the one he envisions. But then, his hopes for the shareholder proxies movement is much more radical than responsible investment, and perhaps the problem is just that the latter was co-opted and transformed into the former.

I also feel that underlying Alinsky's whole outlook are patriarchal and hierarchical values, and a potentially harmful instrumentalist reasoning which, while perhaps realistic in its view of why humans often act in some of the negative ways that we do, obscures the source of much of the goodness in us. Also, a lot of his analysis stems from what are basically equivocations in terms. He rails against people who get bogged down in academic discussions of 'means and ends,' but that's no reason to get sloppy with one's thinking. Furthermore, a lot of his examples of 'ends' are really only a 'means' disguised as such... meaning they should be up for debate, and not taken for granted, as they seem to be. He also talks about nations as though they were individual actors, which is just oversimplistic and leads to some really shallow statements.

Obviously, however, for anyone familiar with the organizing work that he did in Chicago and elsewhere during the middle of the last century, Alinsky knows a lot about how to bring people together for social change. Rules for Radicals captures a lot of his thinking on how to organize people, much of which is still valuable. But as he says himself, some tactics can't be repeated once they become part of the experience of the establishment which you are fighting, and so many of his tactics have been used enough that I think they really don't have the potential to be as effective as they once were.(less)

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Feb 17, 2008 Malcolm rated it 5 of 5 stars Recommends it for: social workers, activists

This review has been hidden because it contains spoilers. To view it, click here.

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Jan 27, 2009 Laura rated it 3 of 5 stars

Ah, for the simpler days of radicalism, when you could get your college friends together for an impromptu rally, and no one had an excuse why they couldn't come.

That's not really what this book is about, but, having been written in 1971, it did inspire in me a bit of nostalgia for the kind of activism that was widespread then and is now alive and well only in places like San Francisco.

Alinsky is not anywhere near that idealistic. He was a down-and-dirty--and extremely effective--organizer who ha...more Ah, for the simpler days of radicalism, when you could get your college friends together for an impromptu rally, and no one had an excuse why they couldn't come.

That's not really what this book is about, but, having been written in 1971, it did inspire in me a bit of nostalgia for the kind of activism that was widespread then and is now alive and well only in places like San Francisco.

Alinsky is not anywhere near that idealistic. He was a down-and-dirty--and extremely effective--organizer who had, I believe, little patience for the typical young, idealistic activist ubiquitous in the 1960s. He describes here the qualities it takes to be a good community organizer, the way to communicate with your people (of the utmost importance), and the tactics to use against the Establishment (whom he calls "the Haves"). He uses a lot of examples that draw in the reader and make things clear. He certainly was the man to write this book at the time he wrote it.

I have only one problem with the book, but it's a big one. Maybe it's my natural pessimistic and cynical outlook on life, and maybe I'm wrong, but I find it hard to believe that many of the sorts of tactics Alinsky describes, or, indeed, any tactics, would work against the military-industrial-congressional complex today. Both corporations and governments are so powerful today that they have almost unlimited ability to stonewall any attempt by the unwashed masses to change them. He talks about getting groups of people to go to Chicago's City Hall and make their demands. I don't know how it was in the '60s, but I very much doubt Richie Daley is going to let any group of citizens get close enough to him or his aldermen to make demands these days. He also talks about stockholders signing their proxies over to community groups so those groups can then attend shareholders' meetings. What major company in America would allow this sort of thing today, what with the Patriot Act and all to hide behind, even if the community groups could scrape together the required travel funds?

Don't get me wrong--I liked the book, and I like how Alinsky describes the mechanics of community organization, its strengths and its weaknesses. It just seems more of a historical document to me than one that can be truly helpful in today's fight against injustice. But then, I'm hardly out there on the front lines, so what the hell do I know?

Alinsky was (apparently) a master organizer--he flew by the seat of his pants but was always ready with a new and inspired tactic or a witty comeback to his detractors. I wish I could be like that, but I don't think I have the kind of optimism in the face of any odds that it takes to be an effective activist organizer. Maybe one of you out there does.(less)

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Jan 26, 2009 Jennifer rated it 4 of 5 stars

I read Alinsky for the first time in graduate school, and pulled his books off the shelf again upon hearing that Barack Obama studied and was influenced by Alinsky in his days as a community organizer.

The book is as good as I remembered, and freshened upon re-reading by the ability to apply some of the discussion to Obama's campaign and early days in office. Alinsky was an organizer--a passionate pragmatist with a sense of humor, willing to compromise at any turn or use any means by which to ach...more

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Apr 05, 2009 Erin rated it 4 of 5 stars · review of another edition

I am rating it a "really liked it" from the approach of it was interesting...not that I really liked all of the information. I will have a more complete review posted soon.

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Jan 05, 2009 Stephen Drake rated it 5 of 5 stars

The first time I read this book was when I was sixteen. Since then, I have given away and replaced the book several times. Alinsky, who was active in both Chicago (where I lived for over ten years) and Rochester, NY (where I grew up and live now), was a terrific community organizer. The language is a little dated - definitely sexist by today's definitions - but it's a great reminder to those of us who get discouraged about fighting on unlevel playing fields. The playing fields have never been le...more

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Mar 08, 2009 Brian rated it 3 of 5 stars

Saul Alinsky presents those of us who talk about change without acting on it with an uncomfortable challenge: you are either actively opposing the establishment or you are siding with it. This challenge struck home with me and inspired me to invest more effort into connecting to local activists and engaging in direct action.

On the other hand, I found Alinsky's discussion of ends and means rather troubling. Alinsky tends to judge actions solely by their ends, and is so certain of the righteousnes...more

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Mar 14, 2013 Melissa rated it 4 of 5 stars

I found it well written, pragmatic, and thought-provoking. I read it on the Kindle, and found myself highlighting a fair bit. Some things were things I knew and had forgotten; some were things that rang true once I read what he said about them. Some things were dated, like the salaries of the lower middle class, middle middle class, and upper middle class ($35,000!), but most of it, sadly, was not.

In fact, it was amazingly applicable to today's world. The specific struggles may have changed ......more I found it well written, pragmatic, and thought-provoking. I read it on the Kindle, and found myself highlighting a fair bit. Some things were things I knew and had forgotten; some were things that rang true once I read what he said about them. Some things were dated, like the salaries of the lower middle class, middle middle class, and upper middle class ($35,000!), but most of it, sadly, was not.

In fact, it was amazingly applicable to today's world. The specific struggles may have changed ... but not all of them. Alinsky could go back to Woodlawn and do some organizing today, and Woodlawn would be the better for it. You could take from that "what was the point? if he organized it 50 years ago and now its just as poverty-ridden as it was then -- and maybe in worse shape in terms of crime -- what good did he do?" But I think Alinsky would argue that it's always an uphill struggle, because you are constantly trying to take power away from those that have it and give it to those who don't, and that is a continuous struggle. The moral value lies in the struggle to make life better for the maximum amount of people, and it is a cyclical endeavor: there is always a negative to every positive, which means constant struggle.

It does provide a framework for what works and what doesn't. Found myself thinking of why Occupy worked so well and then flamed out to a large degree: it was new, it was different, it was a definite threat to the established order: and as such, it made a splash and changed the conversation. But it didn't adapt new tactics when the old ones failed (winter, police suppression, etc.) -- so the story ended (though there are still some Occupiers who have adapted -- Occupy Hurricane Sandy, Occupy Save our Homes, etc). It's hard to make the same tactic work over a long period: Alinsky argues that people's attention span just isn't that long, that life and life's concerns take over after a certain point. So you have to work within that time frame. You have to get results within the time frame as well: you know you have a certain period to make the statement, and you can't let the opposition wait you out.

Alinsky argues for creativity, for intuition, for imagination -- for doing what you can with what you have, and engaging people and making it work. He also sets up a paradigm of respecting the people: get them to learn to make their own decisions, organize themselves -- this is the mark of a successful organizer.

So -- it was well worth reading. Still. After forty years, still relevant, still interesting.

I think the University of Chicago should be proud that their graduate wrote so well and so engagingly that he is still readable to later generations. I doubt they were, though :) (less)

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Mar 13, 2013 Jeannie rated it 4 of 5 stars

To quote Mr. Alinsky 42 years later from his last page: We have forgotten where we have come from, we don't know where we are, and we don't know where we are going. I was startled and sad since Alinsky himself wrote history does not repeat itself (contrary to a common cliche)... seems as if nothing has changed (untrue cliche) since the same words support opposing attitudes when discussing today's political polarization in the country.

Since I found this to be more a textbook and usually not revi...more To quote Mr. Alinsky 42 years later from his last page: We have forgotten where we have come from, we don't know where we are, and we don't know where we are going. I was startled and sad since Alinsky himself wrote history does not repeat itself (contrary to a common cliche)... seems as if nothing has changed (untrue cliche) since the same words support opposing attitudes when discussing today's political polarization in the country.

Since I found this to be more a textbook and usually not reviewed by the everyday reader, I still gave it a four because I found the book quite fascinating. Like many other reviewers I was very unsettled by his means to an end discussions, nor do I agree with several of his tactics in achieving "the ends"...especially his emphasis on the use of ridicule. So much for treating people as you would like to be treated.

I read this book, learning only recently that both Pres. Obama and Mrs. Clinton were influenced by Mr. Alinsky. Since the Presidents's experience prior to he Senate has been listed as organizer, I was hoping to learn more about his personal philosophy and thought processes. It seems evident that the President used his background as an organizer and Alinsky's tactics to achieve his current position, and I think Mr. Alinsky would be proud...although some of us might not agree...BUT there is one topic, although I could have misunderstood Alinsky's views is when he mentions personal dependency. He illustrated and stated in a few instances each organizer and therefore eventually each person should work in and from their own experiences, be an active partner as much as possible in any process for change: Why? 1. to help equalize the inequalities and rights for all people...2. in general to equalize the classes economically. 3. to champion causes that affect us ALL (pollution/health/education). 4...in the meanwhile cutting down any BIGNESS(ex: corporations, and including government), that forgets the individual regardless of race, religion or income. Trying to reconcile a book written 40 years ago to what is happening now, since Alinsky wrote that people do not want to feel dependent on the government..they want to be in control of their own lives. It is a matter if self-worth. I do not think that for someone who supported people to stand up for their rights would be supporting a growing dependency on our government and it's bigness in wanting to control more and more. We are losing control over everything that we have held to be our personal areas of choice. Rather than organizing to be locally and state wide stronger, we are allowing the government to control our individual independence.

The book certainly makes one think.
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Feb 12, 2013 Joseph Serwach rated it 4 of 5 stars

I'll admit it: I never heard of Saul Allinsky until 2012, when Newt Gingrich referred to Barack Obama as "a Saul Allinsky radical.'' Myself and other friends were puzzled by the reference, wondering who was Saul Alinsky.

It turns out that Rules for Radicals: A Practical Primer for Realistic Radicals, written by Saul Allinsky in 1971, is a classic for community organizers, labor leaders and other liberal activists. It's amazing how relevant it seems in 2013 for both sides.

At the time it was writ...more

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Jul 05, 2012 Ryan Holiday rated it 5 of 5 stars

Rules for Radicals is the 48 Laws of Power written for the power hungry with a conscience. Alinksy was the liaison for many civil rights, union and student causes in the late 50's and 60's and though most of his efforts were temporal, he immortalized the tactics in this book. He teaches how to implement your radical agenda without using radical tactics, how to disarm with words and media as opposed to arms and Utopian rhetoric.

What's most impressive about Alinsky is how his books become more rel...more

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Jun 25, 2012 Kwriddle rated it 1 of 5 stars

It’s very appropriate for Alinsky to dedicate this book to Satan. Like Satan, Alinsky mixes God’s word with his own lies to craft his socialist evil.
He warns those he calls “Have’s” to watch out for their “Have Not” neighbor because they’ll kill him and take what he has. Then he says the “Have Not” is justified in doing so. Well Alinsky, based on your stupid logic, the “Have” is also justified in killing the “Have Not” in defense. Alinsky states just the opposite. His stupid logic also says not...more

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Jun 23, 2012 Stephen rated it 5 of 5 stars

Saul Alinsky's Rules for Radicals is the most practical and informative book that I have ever read concerning the mobilization of people toward a causes, and the effective winning of political positions by cheaply engaging the masses to act to move forward an agenda that can be fluidly set by a community organizer. It is a road map for any activist who must convince the common man that he has a voice, a body, and an ability to change, in a very concrete way, the world around him.
After having wo...more

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May 09, 2012 Raphael Aquino rated it 1 of 5 stars

Alinsky's views on change are very outdated. Which is why I don't even know why this book should be read at all now a days besides the parts where he explains on being a community organizer and what you need to be any good at organizing people(s) in general. I disagreed a lot with Saul's beliefs and would have liked the book a lot more if he would have kept them out of the book. He did write the book though and had his opinion. But like I said in the end it just seemed like a very very outdated...more

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Mar 03, 2012 Z0n3d1n rated it 5 of 5 stars

Favorite quotes:

"A major revolution to be won in the immediate future is the dissipation of man's illusion that his own welfare can be separate from that of all others. As long as man is shackled to this myth, so long will the human spirit languish. Concern for our private, material well-being with disregard for the well-being of others is immoral according to the precepts of our Judaeo-Christian civilization, but worse, it is stupidity worthy of lower animals." Page 23

11 Rules of Ethics of Ends...more Favorite quotes:

"A major revolution to be won in the immediate future is the dissipation of man's illusion that his own welfare can be separate from that of all others. As long as man is shackled to this myth, so long will the human spirit languish. Concern for our private, material well-being with disregard for the well-being of others is immoral according to the precepts of our Judaeo-Christian civilization, but worse, it is stupidity worthy of lower animals." Page 23

11 Rules of Ethics of Ends and Means
Starting at page 26 in italics: "I present here a series of rules pertaining to the ethics of means and ends: first, that one's concern with the ethics of means and ends varies inversely with one's personal interest in the issue....[or] one's distance from the scene of conflict...second, the judgment of ethics of means is dependent upon the political position of those sitting in judgment...third is that in war the end justifies almost an means...fourth is that judgment must be made in the context of the times in which the action occurred and not from any other chronological vantage point...fifth is that concern with ethics increases with the number of means available and vice versa...sixth is that the less important the end to be desired, the more one can afford to engage in ethical evaluations of means...seventh is that generally success or failure is a mighty determinant of ethics (i.e., there can be no such thing as a successful traitor, for if one succeeds he becomes a founding father)...eighth is that the morality of a means depends upon whether the means is being employed at a time of imminent defeat or imminent victory....ninth is that any effective means is automatically judged by the opposition as being unethical...tenth is that you do what you can with what you have and clothe it with moral garments...eleventh is that goals must be phrased in general terms like "Liberty, Equality, Fraternity," "Of the Common Welfare," "Pursuit of Happiness," or "Bread and Peace."

13 Rules of (Power Tactics) Community Organizing
Starting on page 127: 1 - "Power is not only what you have but what the enemy thinks you have"; 2 - "Never go outside the experience of your people." 3 - "Wherever possible go outside the experience of the enemy."; 4 - "Make the enemy live up to their own book of rules."; 5 - "Ridicule is man's most potent weapon."; 6 - "A good tactic is one that your people enjoy."; 7 - "A tactic that drags on too long becomes a drag."; 8 - "Keep the pressure on."; 9 - "The threat is usually more terrifying than the thing itself."; 10 - "The major premise for tactics is that development of operations that will maintain a constant pressure upon the opposition."; 11 - "If you push a negative hard and deep enough it will break through into its counter-side."; 12 - "The price of a successful attack is a constructive alternative."; 13 - "Pick the target, freeze it, personalize it, and polarize it."

It is obvious that Fox News has appropriated and employed Alinsky's tactics. How do progressives respond to these tactics? By shaking their heads in dismissiveness and assuming the masses will discern the transparent simplicity of this maneuvering. Such inaction is insufficient strategy against these simple, yet effective tactics. (less)

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Jun 08, 2011 John added it

If there was one book that should be assigned as required reading to political science majors, this is the book. Whether you agree with the late Saul Alinsky's radical views and social outrage, you have to commend him for his pragmatism. He is a quintessential provocateur, a guy who can make things happen and deliver results. His methods are irreverent, imaginative and even hilarious. On one page, you can feel his outrage against an alleged social injustice and, on the next page, start laughing...more

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Jul 12, 2010 Della Scott rated it 3 of 5 stars

This is a book that I didn't want to read, but knew that I ought to read. During the 2008 presidential campaign, people were talking about it so much that one got the sense that maybe it wasn't necessary to read it--you already knew what was in it. But that's always a mistake. It's always better to go to the source. And actually, although the people on the talk radio stations that I listened to were taking about it a lot, people in mainstream media probably weren't talking about it enough, or el...more This is a book that I didn't want to read, but knew that I ought to read. During the 2008 presidential campaign, people were talking about it so much that one got the sense that maybe it wasn't necessary to read it--you already knew what was in it. But that's always a mistake. It's always better to go to the source. And actually, although the people on the talk radio stations that I listened to were taking about it a lot, people in mainstream media probably weren't talking about it enough, or else the 2008 elections might have turned out differently. Finally when I was toward the end of Sarah Palin's book, Going Rogue, and she mentioned a particular Alinsky tactic(numerous frivolous lawsuits to wear down an opponent) that had been used against her(or so she thought) I thought, "This is it. I have to get this book and read it, no more excuses." (As it turns out, I don't think that that particular tactic is from Alinsky, or at least from this book. It may be in his other book, Revielle for Radicals)

I had heard of Alinsky before. When I was in the libertarian movement, somebody--I don't remember who--that I heard speak quoted this book extensively. Looking back on it, it's hard to believe that a libertarian could share any common ground with Alinsky, in view of his apparent contempt for the free market. But I won't dwell on that now.

Sometimes one gets the sense of peoples' personalities from their books--their degree of honesty, genuineness, whether or not they would be a pleasant person to spend an evening with whether or not one agrees with them on everything. The sense that I get from Alinsky is that he was probably a fairly nasty man and even his allies did not care for him much personally. I could be wrong of course.

I gained some insights about Barack Obama and several of the Chicago machine members and others in this white house from this book. The first important point is that both of them are economically illiterate. So when Obama makes some of the truly incredible statements he does about jobs creation and so forth, it's because, evidently, he has come from a backgound where people, even leaders, know less about economics than a college sophomore who's had one basic economics class. That's right. Scary, isn't it? Alinsky's worldview is that the world is made up of haves, havenots, and what he calls have-a-little-want-mores, aka the middle class. I will say more about his view of the middle class in a moment, but it is also relevant to the Obama administration. Alinsky believes in zero-sum economics, that is. if somebody is rich it's because somebody else is poor, and vice-versa. When people believe that, it's easier to see how they fall for class warfare b.s. and redistribution of wealth schemes. As far as I could tell, from Alinsky's descriptions of his exploits, none of them involved actually creating anything, only glomming onto wealth created by others(kind of like the current administration's economic policies) He is deliberately vague about his specific beefs with Kodak, one of the companies he mau-maued, claiming it wasn't relevant.

Another striking thing about Alinsky is his naked contempt for the middle class. So when Obama makes some of his outrageous statements, the most famous probably being the one about "bitter" people "clinging to guns and religion", it's not hard to make the connection.

This book, I think, also explains why Obama sat in Rev. Wright's church for 20 years. Alinsky has little respect for religion, believing that practitioners are largely hypocrites and that established faiths exist to keep the status quo.(This dovetails with his disdain for the middle class, much of which is churched, and this was certainly even more true in 1971 when this book was published.) But he did work with religious leaders on an ad hoc basis. So I think that Obama recognized that Wright was some kind of mover and shaker in Chicago(a sad commentary on Chicago)and that aligning with him could be useful. Later when he had presidntial aspirations, this was no longer the case. What most of us would see as blastant cynicism and hypocrisy, he just saw as strategy. Much was made of his "search" for a faith home in Washington DC. As Rush Limbaugh jokingly pointed out, maybe he couldn't find a pastor that sounded enough like Wright.

to be continued.(less)

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Dec 22, 2012 Jon rated it 4 of 5 stars

To be a real radical you need to have the power and knowledge that makes social change possible. “Rules for Radicals” gives the means to make that change constructive. Personally, the important tools to take from this book are the purpose of the community organizer and character, as well as his life education, and the ability to understand and execute the thirteen tactics necessary to change society as we know it.
The organizer needs to have a reason and purpose, and the power and will to be ab...more To be a real radical you need to have the power and knowledge that makes social change possible. “Rules for Radicals” gives the means to make that change constructive. Personally, the important tools to take from this book are the purpose of the community organizer and character, as well as his life education, and the ability to understand and execute the thirteen tactics necessary to change society as we know it.
The organizer needs to have a reason and purpose, and the power and will to be able to fulfill the means necessary to carry out any movement to the lasting end. Everyone is motivated based on their character, desires, and needs. Saul Alinsky says that the organizer needs to constantly check himself and constantly ask “why?” (11). Must be grounded with optimism which creates hope, “a future with a purpose”, and motivation to fight for a better world (21). It is a said world, and the greatest advice that Alinsky gives is to laugh, to look on the bright side, and enjoy life, “Hang on to one of your most precious parts of youth, laughter – don’t lose it…” (xxvi).
Including humor, the organizer has many steps to achieve as an individual before he can create the means for change. Curiosity, irreverence, imagination, sense of humor, a blurred vision of a better world, an organized personality, a well-integrated political schizoid, ego, a free and open mind, and political relativity are the makings of a successful organizer. Each aspect of the organizer is described in depth by Alinsky, such as, being a well-integrated political schizoid. The organizer needs to be able to see his side as being 100% right, even though it is realistically 90% right. Or the organizer needs to have a free and open mind, in order to not be shaken by change, so that he can be flexible and cool in this ever changing world.
The thirteen tactics of “Rules for Radicals” gives the organizer a quick reference for means to adapt and behave in order to take more with what he is given. Every situation has its difference and these rules are concerned about obtaining power in whatever situation. Examples of some important tactics are “never go outside of the experience of your people”, “power is not what you have but what the enemy thinks you have”, “keep the pressure on” (“Rules for Radicals”). It is important to never go outside of the experience of your people, they need to be able to understand the purpose of what they’re doing and not be confused about their actions. The power of the populace is very threatening especially if the enemy believes you have an overwhelming number, power of numbers. Constantly thinking of ways to keep your enemy off balance will ensure that they do not stand as a threat to take back the power that is won. Three examples of these tactics show how they can be applied to a variety of situations, and have the means to take control of power and keep it.
“Rules for Radicals” has the means to meet the end of the ruling of the status quo. To understand this book, and Alinsky’s methods, is to have the ability to take the nation back in the same manner that it was taken. If the Organizer has a purpose and the understanding of what makes him successful, he’ll be able to use these tactics to change society. For better or for worse.

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Mar 27, 2011 John rated it 3 of 5 stars

Machiavelli for the left. It seems pretty instructive about how to successfully do community organizing, from forming the organization to keeping it together and getting things done. Some of the things Alinsky recommended seemed pretty cynical, but on reflection they indicate what actually works in practice. This is very useful if you are an opportunist trying to win rather than somebody who seeks compromise. Oddly, and maybe for this reason, the book is pretty popular with the tea-party crowd a...more

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Aug 24, 2012 Colleen Clark rated it 4 of 5 stars

Shelves: politics-terror

I read this because a conservative who contributes to the same Facebook thread I do said I had to read it, because, as I understood him, it would cause the scales to fall from my eyes about how Obama was really a "socialist" and dangerous to boot etc etc etc, especially because he had worked as a community organizer in Chicago, which was also Alinsky's home stomping ground.

I doubt my interlocutor has read the book. The title told him everything he thought he wanted to know.

Of course, the book is...more

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Aug 01, 2011 Dachokie rated it 4 of 5 stars

Shelves: politics

Explains a Lot of Things ..., May 22, 2010

The purpose for my reading this book was self-educational and an effort to be open-minded about the broad political spectrum that exists today. I found Alinsky's book to be enlightening, thought-provoking, interesting and very relevant. In fact, I strongly feel that "Rules for Radicals" provides a great deal of insight to the current state of political discourse in United States. However, after reading the book, I found myself wondering if Alinsky ever i...more Explains a Lot of Things ..., May 22, 2010

The purpose for my reading this book was self-educational and an effort to be open-minded about the broad political spectrum that exists today. I found Alinsky's book to be enlightening, thought-provoking, interesting and very relevant. In fact, I strongly feel that "Rules for Radicals" provides a great deal of insight to the current state of political discourse in United States. However, after reading the book, I found myself wondering if Alinsky ever imagined his "radicals" achieving success to the point in which they themselves ultimately become victims of their own methods.

"Rules for Radicals" is essentially a guidebook that encourages individuals to gather, organize and develop a battle-plan to spread a socialist agenda; there is even a list of tactics to be used. Alinsky has conveniently simplified the complex socio-economic landscape of the United States into three groups: The Haves (upper-class), The Have Some, Want More (middle-class) and Have-nots (poor). It is explained that the Haves are the minority that possesses all the wealth/power which is used to ruthlessly exploit the lower classes to enforce their status-quo and maintain their wealth/ power. The Have-Some and Have-nots are basically characterized as being numerically strong, but also mindless and weak ... forced to a life dictated by the Haves. Alinsky then introduces the "community organizer" ... the do-gooder ... the pot-stirrer ... the "social-conscience" ... the one who will fight for those who "can't" or "won't" fight for themselves ... the one who will "take it to" the Haves. Ironically, I found that Alinsky's book provided more explanation of what our current President did prior to being in public office than any media source has ever tried to convey.

Alinsky then informs the reader what is needed to become an effective organizer in terms of education and necessary communication skills. But, in my opinion, the most revealing portion of his book is the chapter on tactics, where Alinsky details 13 rules to be implemented by the organizer(s) to take down the Haves. That chapter alone provided so much insight as to how the current leadership in this country came to power. The 5th, 8th and 13th rules ("Ridicule is man's most potent weapon", "Keep the pressure on" and "Pick the target, freeze it, personalize it, and polarize it" respectively) could easily explain the demise of President George W. Bush.

The remainder of the book provides assistance on how to get started, as well as citing a few successful examples of a competent organizer implementing the suggested tactics.

What Alinsky fails to explain though, is what happens when the organizers become the new Haves ... like today. Yes, the targets presented by the new Haves are still the traditional Haves (the wealthy corporations and their hierarchy), but the organizers also possess wealth and power ... meanwhile, the Have-Some and Have-Nots still wallow in the same state, despite all the political rhetoric and promise. So, I am asking myself if Alinsky's "Rules for Radicals" is simply instructions for one group of Haves to use against another group of Haves. Yet another way to exploit the masses by duping them into thinking someone is actually fighting on their behalf?

What I found quite amazing after reading "Rules for Radicals" is that I feel that I had stumbled upon THE liberal playbook. It is quite easy to look back at the lead-up to the elections of 2006 and 2008 and see Alinsky's handiwork. But, I find myself wondering if the "radicals" now in charge have unwittingly positioned themselves to be victims of their own game ... I guess that answer may come in 2010 and/or 2012. (less)

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Dec 09, 2008 Lisa rated it 3 of 5 stars

Shelves: nonfiction-political

In an amazing start to his book, Alinsky acknowledges "the first radical known to man who rebelled against the establishment and did it so effectively that he at least won his own kingdom--Lucifer." While I wouldn't put Alinsky in the same category as Lucifer, it does make me wonder why he would put radicals in the same category. I guess he has his reasons, and certainly those bomb throwers (Alinsky speaks against) belong to Lucifer.
Parts of the book were pretty slow (the first half.) It seems l...more In an amazing start to his book, Alinsky acknowledges "the first radical known to man who rebelled against the establishment and did it so effectively that he at least won his own kingdom--Lucifer." While I wouldn't put Alinsky in the same category as Lucifer, it does make me wonder why he would put radicals in the same category. I guess he has his reasons, and certainly those bomb throwers (Alinsky speaks against) belong to Lucifer.
Parts of the book were pretty slow (the first half.) It seems like he spent a lot of time debating, "Do the ends justify the means?" He says yes in too many words. He spends a lot of time explaining how to gain the trust of the community that one is trying to organize. He describes how to involve the community in the discussion of what to do and how to do it.
I kept waiting for the tactics. Alinsky definitely knows how to irritate people into doing what he wants and he has a sense of humor. He understands what motivates people--the communities he organizes and the groups he is trying to change. One tactic involved buying up some upscale cultural event tickets. Getting together a bunch black people before hand to eat beans for 3 hours and then giving them the tickets to cause a legal disturbance and stink the place up. Just letting news of this idea leak out will cause a disturbance and you may not even have to go through with it. Suddenly the holders of the cultural purse will find money for arts for the disadvantaged youth.
I could tell ACORN leaders had read this book. Another tactic was to picket the slum lord's own home in suburbia, complete with signs stating the tenets' complaints. The neighbors would be all over the this guy to fix up/get heat to his public housing units--not that they cared about the tenets, but they want this mob out of their neighborhood. If you don't have any heat and this guy is taking government money supposedly to provide decent living conditions, that might be a good idea. ACORN took it too far by picketing homes of bankers that would not loan money to bad credit risks. Thanks ACORN for helping to topple our financial industry--you weren't the biggest factor but this is not right.
Alinsky also talks about unions--not just for the trades as had pretty much been the case when Alinsky started organizing. If you take a look at Detroit, you can see that the unions have taken their organizing tactics to the hilt and toppled the car industry.
This book was interesting to read, but I hope the radical organizers don't throw the baby out with the bath water. (less)

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Mar 13, 2011 Steve rated it 1 of 5 stars

Shelves: politics

I'm told this is Barack Hussein Obama's favorite book. Hillary Rodham did her thesis on Alinsky.

I guess this just goes to show what I should have known all along: I just can't be as smart as Barack and Hillary.

Oh, if only I could get a feel for what it's like to walk around being smart all day! Then I could understand this book, with its flat-out self-contradictions, its fatalism ("man is a bit of dust lit aflame for a passing moment"), its crazy rants (the entire final chapter), and its showing...more

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Feb 02, 2011 Bill rated it 3 of 5 stars

Shelves: gml-dmin, culture, history

This is a "classic" in the field of social action. Alinsky does a great job of explaining how this world works, and how to be successful in organizing and leading social change. I would not recommend his tactics, as a Christian, but I think Christians can learn a few things from his work.

I point especially to his chapter on means and ends...in revolutions past, ends have always been used to justify means. Alinsky even points to Christians, on multiple occasions, demonstrating their inability to...more

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Apr 20, 2009 Rebecca rated it 3 of 5 stars

Quotes:
On mens vs ends, Alinsky says, the answer lies in this ends and these particular means.
"He who fears corruption fears life"
"In the politics of human life, consistency is not a virtue"
"Ethics are determined by whether one is losing or winning"

La Rouchefoucauld: We all have strength enough to endure the misfortunes of others.
Goethe: "Conscience is the virtue of observers and not of agents of action." The passives who say "this is not the time" value mystical objectivity rather than passio...more

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Sep 19, 2012 Aaron rated it 4 of 5 stars

Shelves: politics

"Rules" is a bracing read. It's irreverent and hard-hitting in laying out how to beat those who hold and abuse power. Indeed, Alinsky is essentially the father of modern community organizing, so what he writes comes from both his experience on the streets of Chicago and from his studies in academia.

He organized across diverse racial and socioeconomic groups to improve people's lives. He loved democracy, took it seriously, put it into action and didn't settle for any bullshit otherwise. Put blunt...more

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Apr 11, 2010 Emily rated it 2 of 5 stars Recommends it for: No one, really

Hmmmm...What I learned from this book....Well, in a crazy sort of way, I could see how this book could persuade you to fight the Man. IF you came of age in the late '60s or early '70s. Alinsky is nuts and I could see him drawing people in with his personality. He uses the same tactics as the "first radical" (Lucifer) with the two truths and a lie arguing style. As we know--very hard to fight against. It seems so right. Overall, however, it was so dated as to be almost cheesy. I can imagine Obama...more

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Jul 02, 2012 Anna Murray rated it 4 of 5 stars

I found this book absolutely fascinating! While it is written by a radical liberal in 1971, the change in radical liberalism since then is really witnessed in this book, particularly in the Prologue, which I thought was the best part.

Mr. Alinsky equates the spirit of democracy with the importance and worth of the INDIVIDUAL!! Wow. He states, "We are not here concerned with people who profess the democratic faith but yearn for the dark security of dependency where they can be spared the burden o...more

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About Saul D. Alinsky

Saul David Alinsky was an American community organizer and writer. He is generally considered to be the founder of modern community organizing. His organizing skills were focused on improving the living conditions of poor communities across North America.

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Tratado para radicales. Manual para revolucionarios pragmáticos.

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“Curiosity and irreverence go together. Curiosity cannot exist without the other. Curiosity asks, "Is this true?" "Just because this has always been the way, is the best or right way of life, the best or right religion, political or economic value, morality?" To the questioner, nothing is sacred. He detests dogma, defies any finite definition of morality, rebels against any repression of a free, open search of ideas no matter where they may lead. He is challenging, insulting, agitating, discrediting. He stirs unrest.” — 26 people liked it

“The human spirit glows from that small inner light of doubt whether we are right, while those who believe with certainty that they possess the right are dark inside and darken the world outside with cruelty, pain, and injustice.” — 23 people liked it

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