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  <id>32633</id>
  <name><![CDATA[Francis Fukuyama]]></name>
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  <about><![CDATA[Yoshihiro Francis Fukuyama (born 27 October 1952) is an American philosopher, political economist, and author.<br/>Francis Fukuyama was born in the Hyde Park neighborhood of Chicago. His father, Yoshio Fukuyama, a second-generation Japanese-American, was trained as a minister in the Congregational Church and received a doctorate in sociology from the University of Chicago. His mother, Toshiko Kawata Fukuyama, was born in Kyoto, Japan, and was the daughter of Shiro Kawata, founder of the Economics Department of Kyoto University and first president of Osaka Municipal University in Osaka. Fukuyama's childhood years were spent in New York City. In 1967 his family moved to State College, Pennsylvania, where he attended high school.<br/>Fukuyama received his Bachelor of Arts degree in classics from Cornell University, where he studied political philosophy under Allan Bloom. He earned his Ph.D. in government from Harvard University, studying with Samuel P. Huntington and Harvey C. Mansfield, among others. Fukuyama has been affiliated with the Telluride Association since his undergraduate years at Cornell, an educational enterprise that was home to other significant leaders and intellectuals, including Steven Weinberg and Paul Wolfowitz.<br/>Fukuyama is currently the Bernard L. Schwartz Professor of International Political Economy and Director of the International Development Program at the Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies of Johns Hopkins University, located in Washington, DC.<br/>Fukuyama is best known as the author of The End of History and the Last Man, in which he argued that the progression of human history as a struggle between ideologies is largely at an end, with the world settling on liberal democracy after the end of the Cold War and the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989. Fukuyama predicted the eventual global triumph of political and economic liberalism.<br/><br/>What we may be witnessing is not just the end of the Cold War, or the passing of a particular period of post-war history, but the end of history as such... That is, the end point of mankind's ideological evolution and the universalization of Western liberal democracy as the final form of human government.<br/><br/>He has written a number of other books, among them Trust: The Social Virtues and the Creation of Prosperity and Our Posthuman Future: Consequences of the Biotechnology Revolution. In the latter, he qualified his original 'end of history' thesis, arguing that since biotechnology increasingly allows humans to control their own evolution, it may allow humans to alter human nature, thereby putting liberal democracy at risk. One possible outcome could be that an altered human nature could end in radical inequality. He is a fierce enemy of transhumanism, an intellectual movement asserting that posthumanity is a highly desirable goal.<br/><br/>The current revolution in biological sciences leads him to theorize that in an environment where science and technology are by no means at an end, but rather opening new horizons, history itself cannot therefore be said to be, as he once thought, at an end.<br/>In another work The Great Disruption: Human Nature and the Reconstruction of Social Order, he explores the origins of social norms, and analyses the current disruptions in the fabric of our moral traditions, which he considers as arising from a shift from the manufacturing to the information age. This shift is, he thinks, normal and will prove self-correcting, given the intrinsic human need for social norms and rules.<br/>]]></about>
  <influences><![CDATA[]]></influences>
  <gender>male</gender>
  <hometown>Hyde Park (Chicago)</hometown>
  <born_at>1952/10/27</born_at>
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  <id type="integer">57981</id>
  <isbn>0743284550</isbn>
  <isbn13>9780743284554</isbn13>
  <text_reviews_count type="integer">36</text_reviews_count>
  <title>
    <![CDATA[The End of History and the Last Man]]>
  </title>
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  <average_rating>3.26</average_rating>
  <ratings_count>265</ratings_count>
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    <![CDATA[Ever since its first publication in 1992, <em>The End of History and the Last Man</em> has provoked controversy and debate. Francis Fukuyama's prescient analysis of religious fundamentalism, politics, scientific progress, ethical codes, and war is as essential for a world fighting fundamentalist terrorists as it was for the end of the Cold War. Now updated with a new afterword, <em>The End of History and the Last Man</em> is a modern classic.<p><p></p></p>]]>
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    <average_rating>3.33</average_rating>
    <ratings_count>636</ratings_count>
    <text_reviews_count>77</text_reviews_count>
  </author>
  </authors>  <published>1992</published>
</book>

        <book>
  <id type="integer">57982</id>
  <isbn>0300122535</isbn>
  <isbn13>9780300122534</isbn13>
  <text_reviews_count type="integer">5</text_reviews_count>
  <title>
    <![CDATA[America at the Crossroads: Democracy, Power, and the Neoconservative Legacy]]>
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  <average_rating>3.42</average_rating>
  <ratings_count>73</ratings_count>
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    <![CDATA[&lt;div&gt;Francis Fukuyama&#8217;s criticism of the Iraq war put him at odds with neoconservative friends both within and outside the Bush administration. Here he explains how, in its decision to invade Iraq, the Bush administration failed in its stewardship of American foreign policy. First, the administration wrongly made preventive war the central tenet of its foreign policy. In addition, it badly misjudged the global reaction to its exercise of &#8220;benevolent hegemony.&#8221; And finally, it failed to appreciate the difficulties involved in large-scale social engineering, grossly underestimating the difficulties involved in establishing a successful democratic government in Iraq.<br/>Fukuyama explores the contention by the Bush administration&#8217;s critics that it had a neoconservative agenda that dictated its foreign policy during the president&#8217;s first term.  Providing a fascinating history of the varied strands of neoconservative thought since the 1930s, Fukuyama argues that the movement&#8217;s legacy is a complex one that can be  interpreted quite differently than it was after the end of the Cold War. Analyzing the Bush administration&#8217;s miscalculations in responding to the post&#8211;September 11 challenge, Fukuyama proposes a new approach to American foreign policy through which such mistakes might be turned around&#8212;one in which the positive aspects of the neoconservative legacy are joined with a more realistic view of the way American power can be used around the world.   &lt;/div&gt;]]>
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    <average_rating>3.33</average_rating>
    <ratings_count>636</ratings_count>
    <text_reviews_count>77</text_reviews_count>
  </author>
  </authors>  <published>2006</published>
</book>

        <book>
  <id type="integer">196487</id>
  <isbn>0312421710</isbn>
  <isbn13>9780312421717</isbn13>
  <text_reviews_count type="integer">6</text_reviews_count>
  <title>
    <![CDATA[Our Posthuman Future: Consequences of the Biotechnology Revolution]]>
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  <link>http://www.goodreads.com/book/show/196487.Our_Posthuman_Future_Consequences_of_the_Biotechnology_Revolution</link>
  <average_rating>3.26</average_rating>
  <ratings_count>61</ratings_count>
  <description>
    <![CDATA[Maybe we have a future after all: <em>Our Posthuman Future</em> is political historian Francis Fukuyama's reconsideration of his 1989 announcement that history had reached an end. He claims that science, particularly genome studies, offers radical changes, possibly more profound than anything since the development of language, in the way we think about human nature. He makes his case thoroughly and eloquently, rarely dipping into philosophical or critical jargon and consistently maintaining an informal tone.<p>Fukuyama is deeply concerned about the erosion of the foundations of liberal democracy under pressure from new concepts of humans and human rights, and most readers will find some room for agreement. Ultimately, he argues for strong international regulation of human biotechnology and thoughtfully disposes of the most compelling counterarguments. While readers might not agree that we're at risk of creating Huxley's Brave New World, it's hard to deny that things are changing quickly and that perhaps we ought to consider the changes before they're irrevocable. <em>--Rob Lightner</em></p>]]>
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    <average_rating>3.33</average_rating>
    <ratings_count>636</ratings_count>
    <text_reviews_count>77</text_reviews_count>
  </author>
  </authors>  <published>2002</published>
</book>

        <book>
  <id type="integer">57980</id>
  <isbn>0684825252</isbn>
  <isbn13>9780684825250</isbn13>
  <text_reviews_count type="integer">8</text_reviews_count>
  <title>
    <![CDATA[Trust: The Social Virtues and The Creation of Prosperity]]>
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  <link>http://www.goodreads.com/book/show/57980.Trust_The_Social_Virtues_and_The_Creation_of_Prosperity</link>
  <average_rating>3.53</average_rating>
  <ratings_count>51</ratings_count>
  <description>
    <![CDATA[In his bestselling <em>The End of History and the Last Man,</em> Francis Fukuyama argued that the end of the Cold War would also mean the beginning of a struggle for position in the rapidly emerging order of 21st-century capitalism. In <em>Trust,</em> a penetrating assessment of the emerging global economic order &quot;after History,&quot; he explains the social principles of economic life and tells us what we need to know to win the coming struggle for world dominance. <p> Challenging orthodoxies of both the left and right, Fukuyama examines a wide range of national cultures in order to divine the underlying principles that foster social and economic prosperity. Insisting that we cannot divorce economic life from cultural life, he contends that in an era when social capital may be as important as physical capital, only those societies with a high degree of social trust will be able to create the flexible, large-scale business organizations that are needed to compete in the new global economy. <p> A brilliant study of the interconnectedness of economic life with cultural life, <em>Trust</em> is also an essential antidote to the increasing drift of American culture into extreme forms of individualism, which, if unchecked, will have dire consequences for the nation's economic health.</p></p>]]>
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        <name><![CDATA[Francis Fukuyama]]></name>
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    <average_rating>3.33</average_rating>
    <ratings_count>636</ratings_count>
    <text_reviews_count>77</text_reviews_count>
  </author>
  </authors>  <published>1995</published>
</book>

        <book>
  <id type="integer">57983</id>
  <isbn>0801442923</isbn>
  <isbn13>9780801442926</isbn13>
  <text_reviews_count type="integer">6</text_reviews_count>
  <title>
    <![CDATA[State-Building: Governance and World Order in the 21st Century]]>
  </title>
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  <link>http://www.goodreads.com/book/show/57983.State_Building_Governance_and_World_Order_in_the_21st_Century</link>
  <average_rating>3.30</average_rating>
  <ratings_count>46</ratings_count>
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    <![CDATA[Francis Fukuyama famously predicted &quot;the end of history&quot; with the ascendancy of liberal democracy and global capitalism. The topic of his latest book is, therefore, surprising: the building of new nation-states. The end of history was never an automatic procedure, Fukuyama argues, and the well-governed polity was always its necessary precondition. &quot;Weak or failed states are the source of many of the world's most serious problems,&quot; he believes. He traces what we know&#151;and more often don't know&#151;about how to transfer functioning public institutions to developing countries in ways that will leave something of permanent benefit to the citizens of the countries concerned. These are important lessons, especially as the United States wrestles with its responsibilities in Afghanistan, Iraq, and beyond.   <p>Fukuyama begins State-Building with an account of the broad importance of &quot;stateness.&quot; He rejects the notion that there can be a science of public administration, and discusses the causes of contemporary state weakness. He ends the book with a discussion of the consequences of weak states for international order, and the grounds on which the international community may legitimately intervene to prop them up.</p>]]>
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    <average_rating>3.33</average_rating>
    <ratings_count>636</ratings_count>
    <text_reviews_count>77</text_reviews_count>
  </author>
  </authors>  <published>2004</published>
</book>

        <book>
  <id type="integer">57986</id>
  <isbn>0684865777</isbn>
  <isbn13>9780684865775</isbn13>
  <text_reviews_count type="integer">3</text_reviews_count>
  <title>
    <![CDATA[The Great Disruption: Human Nature and the Reconstitution of Social Order]]>
  </title>
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  <link>http://www.goodreads.com/book/show/57986.The_Great_Disruption_Human_Nature_and_the_Reconstitution_of_Social_Order</link>
  <average_rating>3.30</average_rating>
  <ratings_count>37</ratings_count>
  <description>
    <![CDATA[Francis Fukuyama cements his reputation as a wide-ranging public intellectual with this big-think book on social order and human nature. Following his earlier successes (<em>The End of History and the Last Man</em> and <em>Trust</em>), Fukuyama argues that civilization is in the midst of a revolution on a par with hunter-gatherers learning how to farm or agricultural societies turning industrial. He finds much to celebrate in this cultural, economic, and technological transformation, but &quot;with all the blessings that flow from a more complex, information-based economy, certain bad things also happened to our social and moral life.&quot;  Individualism, for example, fuels innovation and prosperity, but has also &quot;corroded virtually all forms of authority and weakened the bonds holding families, neighborhoods, and nations together.&quot; Yet this is not a pessimistic book: &quot;Social order, once disrupted, tends to get remade again&quot; because humans are built for life in a civil society governed by moral rules. <p>  We're on the tail end of the &quot;great disruption,&quot; says Fukuyama, and signs suggest a coming era of much-needed social reordering. He handles complex ideas from diverse fields with ease (this is certainly the first book whose acknowledgments thank both science fiction novelist Neal Stephenson and social critic James Q. Wilson), and he writes with laser-sharp clarity. Fans of Jared Diamond's <em>Guns, Germs, and Steel</em> and David Landes's <em>The Wealth and Poverty of Nations</em> will appreciate <em>The Great Disruption</em>, as will just about any reader curious about what the new millennium may bring. This is simply one of the best nonfiction books of 1999. <em>--John J. Miller</em> </p>]]>
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    <average_rating>3.33</average_rating>
    <ratings_count>636</ratings_count>
    <text_reviews_count>77</text_reviews_count>
  </author>
  </authors>  <published>1999</published>
</book>

        <book>
  <id type="integer">821895</id>
  <isbn>0801883350</isbn>
  <isbn13>9780801883354</isbn13>
  <text_reviews_count type="integer">1</text_reviews_count>
  <title>
    <![CDATA[Nation-Building: Beyond Afghanistan and Iraq]]>
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  <link>http://www.goodreads.com/book/show/821895.Nation_Building_Beyond_Afghanistan_and_Iraq</link>
  <average_rating>3.45</average_rating>
  <ratings_count>11</ratings_count>
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    <![CDATA[<p>Bestselling author Francis Fukuyama brings together esteemed academics, political analysts, and practitioners to reflect on the U.S. experience with nation-building, from its historical underpinnings to its modern-day consequences. The United States has sought on repeated occasions to reconstruct states damaged by conflict, from Reconstruction in the South after the Civil War to Japan and Germany after World War II, to the ongoing rebuilding of Iraq. Despite this rich experience, there has been remarkably little systematic effort to learn lessons on how outside powers can assist in the building of strong and self-sufficient states in post-conflict situations.</p><p>The contributors dissect mistakes, false starts, and lessons learned from the cases of Afghanistan and Iraq within the broader context of reconstruction efforts in other parts of the world, including Latin America, Japan, and the Balkans. Examining the contrasting models in Afghanistan and Iraq, they highlight the Coalition Provisional Authority in Iraq as a cautionary example of inadequate planning. </p><p>The need for post-conflict reconstruction will not cease with the end of the Afghanistan and Iraq missions. This timely volume offers the critical reflection and evaluation necessary to avoid repeating costly mistakes in the future.</p><p>Contributors: Larry Diamond, Hoover Institution and Stanford University; James Dobbins, RAND; David Ekbladh, American University; Michèle A. Flournoy, Center for Strategic and International Studies; Francis Fukuyama, Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies, Johns Hopkins University; Larry P. Goodson, U.S. Army War College; Johanna Mendelson Forman, UN Foundation; Minxin Pei, Samia Amin, and Seth Garz, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace; S. Frederick Starr, Central Asia--Caucacus Institute at Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies; F. X. Sutton, Ford Foundation Emeritus; Marvin G. Weinbaum, University of Illinois at Urbana--Champaign</p>]]>
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    <average_rating>3.33</average_rating>
    <ratings_count>636</ratings_count>
    <text_reviews_count>77</text_reviews_count>
  </author>
  </authors>  <published>2005</published>
</book>

        <book>
  <id type="integer">1216335</id>
  <isbn>1874097860</isbn>
  <isbn13>9781874097860</isbn13>
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  <title>
    <![CDATA[The End of Order]]>
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  <average_rating>3.00</average_rating>
  <ratings_count>3</ratings_count>
  <description>
    <![CDATA[]]>
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    <id>32633</id>
        <name><![CDATA[Francis Fukuyama]]></name>
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    <average_rating>3.33</average_rating>
    <ratings_count>636</ratings_count>
    <text_reviews_count>77</text_reviews_count>
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  </authors>  <published>1997</published>
</book>

        <book>
  <id type="integer">6092257</id>
  <isbn>2246713714</isbn>
  <isbn13>9782246713715</isbn13>
  <text_reviews_count type="integer">0</text_reviews_count>
  <title>
    <![CDATA[D'OU VIENNENT LES NO-CONSERVATEURS]]>
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  <average_rating>4.00</average_rating>
  <ratings_count>1</ratings_count>
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    <![CDATA[]]>
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    <average_rating>3.33</average_rating>
    <ratings_count>636</ratings_count>
    <text_reviews_count>77</text_reviews_count>
  </author>
  </authors>  <published>0</published>
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        <book>
  <id type="integer">4479416</id>
  <isbn>3548368107</isbn>
  <isbn13>9783548368108</isbn13>
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  <title>
    <![CDATA[Staaten bauen]]>
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    <average_rating>3.33</average_rating>
    <ratings_count>636</ratings_count>
    <text_reviews_count>77</text_reviews_count>
  </author>
  </authors>  <published>2006</published>
</book>

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</GoodreadsResponse>