Jake Adelstein's Blog

Tokyo – May 28th, 2012

The former prime minister of Japan, Naoto Kan, speaking on the record about Japan’s worst nuclear accident in history, blamed the disaster on the nuclear village (原子力村) aka the nuclear mafia, inadequate laws, and the appalling incompetence of Tokyo Electric Power Company (TEPCO) and NISA (Japan’s Nuclear Industrial Safety Agency).

Naoto Kan, former PM witnesses at the 16th session of the NAIIC yesterday

Kan spoke before the The Fukushima Nuclear Accident Independent Investigation Commission (NAIIC) chaired by Mr. Kiyoshi Kurokawa at their 16th meeting at the National Diet of Japan on May 28th. Mr. Kan served as Japan’s PM (Prime Minister) from June 8th, 2010 to September 11th, 2011, and was in power during the triple nuclear meltdown last March (2011).

Kan’s testimony today before the committee highlighted the inability and lack of preparation at TEPCO and the Japanese government for dealing with a nuclear disaster.

Kan said that his advisers at the government offices and TEPCO did not help him: “The basic explanation I had looked forward to receiving I was not able to receive.” At the time, Mr. Kan said there was no explanation from NISA whether he was given the authority to make the decisions and take the necessary actions on the site.

The Fukushima incident which is the worst nuclear crisis since Chernobyl in 1986, also revealed the ties between the nuclear industry and the government regulators known as “the nuclear village.” Because this collusion also involves the media that relies of energy industry advertising, Japanese organized crime, cover-ups, retirement positions for former nuclear regulators, and political corruption—some analysts refer to Japan’s nuclear-industrial complex not as the “the nuclear village” but as “the nuclear mafia” (原発マフィア).  Kan said that this accident exposed “the roots of the illness” of the Japanese people and after this 3.11 accident, Japan should “think if it wants to continue with nuclear power.”

Former Japanese prime minister witnessed at the NAIIC on May 28th, 2012

“I experienced this crisis and my views changed,” he said.

Kan said that the nuclear emergency preparedness law, passed in 1999, was completely inadequate for the triple meltdown. The law was created after a fatal accident at the Tokaimura  (東海村)　nuclear fuel processing plant, in which several people died and nuclear fission occurred, spreading radiation into the civilian populace.  The power plant operators were later charged with criminal negligence resulting in death and convicted。They were all given suspended sentences and served no jail time. Japan’s nuclear industry has been plagued with accidents, many of them initially covered up.

Kan stated the laws did not take into account, a severe accident that would force hundreds of thousands of people to evacuate, as in Fukushima. It also did not make the chain of command clear, slowing down the response to the disaster.

“Everything addressed in the law was inadequate, and we had to waste time on things that we should not have had to do,” he said.  He cited TEPCO and NISA incompetence several times, even naming individuals. For instance, the plant’s off-site crisis management center, which had little protection from radiation and no backup power sources, quickly had to be abandoned.

While Kan did not touch upon it, soon after the accident all NISA inspectors fled the area leaving no one to accurately monitor radiation levels. It was also revealed in recent reports that TEPCO had failed to reconnect a cable that would have sent real-time data on radiation levels to the government. The cable had been disconnected months before the accident, during routine repairs and TEPCO officials simply forgot to reconnect it.

He also admitted that he was not aware of his duties as PM in a nuclear crisis, as written in the Japanese laws.

He said he was never previously briefed on these specific points: “When it comes to the specific responsibilities and authorities given to the Prime Minister (PM), when a nuclear accident takes place,, I do not recall being briefed before or directly after the accident,” he said.

Long before he became a member of the National Diet, former PM Naoto Kan was involved in the civic movements which expressed suspicions about the safety of the nuclear power plants. At the time the political party he belonged to was advocating for the nuclear power generation only as a stop-gap measure, he admitted yesterday.

The alleged passiveness of the PM at the time of the nuclear accident has been much criticized.  Mr. Kan explained that the PM has the obligation to serve as the “top of the counter-measure headquarters”, after the emergency situation has been established.

In that context, issues were discussed, whether as PM, what should his responsibilities be. The PM’s duties in case of a nuclear accident are specified in a number of laws but not clearly outlined. However Mr. Kan admitted that he was not fully aware of his duties at the time of the crisis: “When it comes to the specific responsibilities and authorities given to a PM, when a nuclear accident takes place, as a head of the counter-measure headquarters, after I became PM until the accident took place, I do not recall any situation where I was briefed on those points.” He admitted this while the members of the committee interrogated him yesterday. “I admit that as the head of the counter-measure headquarters, yes, I should have been briefed more deeply about my responsibilities and authority.”

Why The Delay In Declaring a State of Emergency?

The minister of METI, Mr. Kaieda asked for the PM’s approval for the issuance of the declaration of the emergency situation at a very late in the day of the accident. The reason for this late announcement was that there was a meeting held by top political leaders, which made it impossible to issue the declaration on emergency before the party leaders’ meeting at the time.

When the Minister of METI came to ask the PM’s approval, under article 15, the PM was the most knowledgeable person with regard to the nuclear accident. However the approval to issue the emergency state came very late after the METI minister asked Mr. Kan for the approval.

“I did not postpone the issuance of the declaration. The request was made to me at 5:42 for my approval of the declaration, on the other side, the meeting of the opposition party leaders was taking place, to which I was committed to participate, so it took one hour and 21 minutes to declare the emergency state” Mr. Kan said. “It was not an intentional delay of the approval.”

Evacuation decision and the 20km no-go zone or shelter in place

Regarding evacuation, the decision to set a 20km radius evacuation zone was taken on March 12, at 6:25pm. At that moment, there was already a hydrogen explosion that began at 3:36 pm moreover at unit 2 and 3. “Having heard the experts’ opinion, it was decided that it would be 20km.” Mr. Kan said. “There were various discussions held and regarding the fact of whether we were considering an evacuation zone of 30km,” Mr. Kan added. However, “to further expand the evacuation area, preparation needed to be made. If after the explosion of unit 1, units 2 and 3 possibly exploded, and radioactive material leaked out, depending upon the situation, it would have been more safe to shelter in place for a certain period of time, finally we heard our experts opinions and the decision was made for 20km, and after that it became 30km for asking people to seek shelter in their homes and stay indoors.”

Feeling the necessity to see the situation on the site by himself, after March 12th, Mr. Kan briefly visited the site of the accident, and received briefings from NISA, TEPCO, NSC and other technical experts, however, there was inadequate discussion of how bad the situation could become. “What TEPCO had told us is that we needed to provide the vehicles necessary to provide the power generation. And after that there was a discussion regarding venting activities. The basic explanation I had looked  forward to receiving,  I was not able to receive.”

As far as the venting activities were concerned, TEPCO said to the METI minister that they wanted to do the venting activities and METI accepted it, but it took TEPCO many hours before this happened in actuality. “So I asked why was it not happening? And the answer I got was ‘we do not know,’” Mr. Kan said. He asked Mr. Yoshida, the former head of the nuclear power station and its vice-president to make sure the venting activities that were vital would take place. “They said that they would make certain that people put their lives on the line to make this happen. And I had the impression that Mr. Yoshida would have in fact taken upon himself to make this happen. I was in the facility for about 40 minutes and then left. There were various judgments made there after I left. Especially regarding TEPCO’s decisions about leaving the site.”

Under the laws that exist, the PM can give the authority to make decisions to the local government. At the time, Mr. Kan said there was no explanation from NISA that they were not given the authority to make the decisions and take the necessary actions on site. “As far as the law says, it is something I looked at later on.” He admitted.

Normally, the government does not give an order to a private company. However the law said that authority to give necessary instructions on the part of the head of the emergency headquarters existed. “Just because it is stipulated in the law whether this attributed authority is exercised or not is something I was not thinking of from the early stages, but when this withdrawal issue was raised as a possibility, I felt that we needed to integrate the government in TEPCO’s decision making or otherwise a terrible situation would ensue. When the issue of TEPCO’s evacuation of its personnel from the site came out, the government and TEPCO then decided to form a joint task force to contain the crisis,” Mr. Kan explained.

From the US side, there was an indication that there would be support at a very early stage. When Mr. Kan communicated with the president, via a hot-line, he received the message from the President Obama that the US would support Japan in every way.

On the day of the accident, the tsunami and earthquake happened, and the nuclear accident happened, USS Ronald Reagan came in the evening off the coast of Fukushima, and Sendai airport’s response was going to be undertaken and various types of materials were to be provided. “I felt very grateful for this assistance by the US. And generally speaking I wanted to receive any support from the US side. The Ministry of Defense has a very deep relationship with the US military, so there were consultation held, military to military between our two countries from a very early stage,” Mr Kan said.

However, with regard to the idea proposed by the US to station someone of a certain position from the US at the PM’s official residence, Mr. Edano said at his own hearing, that the offer was not really declined, but rather “something that could not be accommodated upon Mr. Edano’s judgment.” Naoto Kan, at his hearing yesterday said that he was not aware of this; the chief cabinet secretary did not report this to him. If indeed the chief cabinet secretary declined the offer from the US without consulting Mr. Kan, Edano clearly exceeded the limits of his authority. 

* The Fukushima Nuclear Accident Independent Investigation Commission (NAIIC)

Recently a number of committees have been created to exorcise these ghosts, determine what really went wrong at the Tokyo Electric Power Company (TEPCO) run Fukushima Nuclear Plant and figure out whether Japan should continue to rely on nuclear energy.

The NAIIC did not start work until nine month after the accident. The commission’s mission is to “first carry out an accident investigation on behalf of the people; secondly to make proposals for the future; and thirdly to carry out Japan’s responsibility as a member of the world community,” the chairman of the Commission, Mr. Kiyoshi Kurokawa said in an interview.

NAIIC chairman Kiyoshi Kurokawa, at a press conference following the hearing of former PM Naoto Kan

Whatever response is taken to this nuclear accident, it will affect Japan and the world for several decades to come. The investigation has to clarify where responsibility lies and has to prevent such an accident from occurring a second time. For this purpose, the Commission “intends to make use of its legally constituted investigative authority as the National Diet’s designated accident investigation commission to sincerely and objectively pursue the facts and make proposals for the future.”

It would not be too much to say that the nuclear accident has destroyed trust in Japan around the world. Restoring that trust will require an independent, objective investigation conducted by an organization without ties to any of the parties involved.

A commission such as this is the first kind in the history of Japan’s constitutional government. Independent, third party accident investigation commissions have been established in a number of foreign countries in response to serious accidents, but never in Japan. In the USA, the Kemeny Commission that investigated the nuclear accident at Three Mile Island is well known.

The NAIIC is considering to review President Masataka Shimizu, from TEPCO, chairman Mr. Kurokawa appears to be saying that he is uncertain if the committee can compel testimony. He said he would not comment on the investigative authority of the NAIIC and on the possible refusal by Mr. Shimizu to participate to a hearing: “Whether or not ‘testifying’ is a process that we have in Japan, I am not sure. I invite you to review the laws that we have been given under our mandate. Every possibility is under consideration”, including appointing Mr. Shimizu to our hearing, Mr. Kurokawa said.

The next witness appointed by the committee for its 17th meeting has been the governor of Fukushima, Mr. Yuhei Sato, in Fukushima, on May, the 29th. Expect our report sooner or later.

The NAIIC will be issuing its final report in June.

Tokyo – May 26, 2012

In Vienna until yesterday, 72 international experts provided by 18 member states of the United Nations converged from May 21 to 25, at their annual meeting of the United Nations Scientific Committee on Effects of Atomic Radiation (UNSCEAR).

Last Wednesday, they released their interim findings of a major assessment into the 3.11 Fukushima Daiichi accident.

The final report about the levels and effects of radiation exposure from the accident will be presented by UNSCEAR “towards the end of 2013”, for the UN General Assembly.

We have summarized here the content of a statement announcing  the UNSCEAR Interim-Report released earlier this week. The full press release is available on the UNSCEAR webpage, accessible to the general public.

Radioactive Releases

The interim assessment of the UNSCEAR presents their understanding of the “nature and composition of the releases to the atmosphere” from the four damaged Fukushima Daiichi power plant’s reactors. With the measurements of radioactive elements in the air, soil, water and food, the study will be able to “assess doses to adults and children in different areas of Japan, considering organs such as the thyroid,” the statement said.

Measurements made by the Japanese authorities on the thyroids of thousands of children in the worse affected parts of Japan given to UNSCEAR will “be compared with our own results and analysis,”  Wolfgand Weiss, Chair of the UNSCEAR said in a statement. “Any differences will be highlighted and addressed.”

Radiation Exposure of the Public: External Irradiation, Inhalation and Ingestion

The Committee did not present their own assessment at this point, and is expecting to have access to results of its own assessments, but it announced how it will study the evaluation of doses to the public published by the World Health Organization.

It also presented the results of a thyroid monitoring conducted by the Fukushima Prefecture government over thousands of children under age 15, in some affected areas. “However, the date on which internal exposure began, a parameter necessary for accurate estimation of the cumulative thyroid dose is not entirely clear.” The press release explained.

The assessment will look at exposure pathways in the air and on the soil, internal exposure from inhalation and internal exposure from ingestion of marine and terrestrial food and water.

  Radiation Exposure of Workers: “Presently no data available About Thyroid Dose Estimates”

“Six workers have died since the accident but none of the deaths were linked to irradiation.”

The report says that conducting an independent dose assessment for workers involved in the clear-up operations at the Fukushima Daiichi nuclear power plant requires “comprehensive and precise information on the internal and external monitoring regime that was implemented.” The literature search found “a small number of relevant documents that address doses likely to be received by TEPCO workers and contractors.” As of January 31, 2012, a total of 20,115 workers had been involved in the mitigation activities.

“Currently available information shows that worker deaths and injuries were a result of physical trauma, cardio-vascular stress and heat stress, associated with the tsunami or the damage mitigation activities at the site.” “One acute leukemia death cannot be attributed to radiation exposure from the accident owing to the short time between the exposures and the death.” Although there were several workers whose skin was irradiated by contamination, there were no clinically observable effects. “Accordingly, from the currently available literature, there has been no evidence of acute radiation injury in any of the workers.”

The report also says that the Government of Japan is also compiling information on doses received by workers such as the Self Defense Forces, policemen, firemen, and municipal employees, for the UNSCEAR’s review.

Effects On Animals and Plants

A a mozaique floor near Fukushima JR station, 2011

The UNSCEAR looked back at their 1996-2008 Reports on the effects of radiation exposure “on non-human biota” following the Chernobyl accident.

To date, there are only a few published assessments of exposure of non-human to radiation resulting from this accident, the press release said.

Working with Japan: A Language Issue

Most of the data used in their assessment came from the official Japanese government agencies. Many data are available on websites “though not in machine-readable formats,” the press release said. “Most, but not all of the information, is available in English. The government of Japan has been requested to supply the data in electronic formats, together with supplementary information, so that the experts can more readily use the data.”

(Photo: Geneva, Fukushima)

 

In light of all the recent information that has come to light about TEPCO and the Japanese nuclear industry’s problems and involvement with anti-social forces, not to mention the industry’s history of criminal malfeasance, we have decided to repost Professor Kingston’s chapter on the subject. It’s from his eerily prescient book  Contemporary Japan  published long before the Fukushima triple meltdown. It’s a long read but well-worth it. We first posted this in June of 2011. 

“They (the Japanese power companies including TEPCO) are also seeking to extend the shelf life of their plants to 60 years, double what experts thought prudent when they built the plants. In the context of fewer and shorter inspections, and a record of falsifying safety reports, the implications are unsettling in light of the potential harm of an accident.“–August 24th, 2010, Jeff Kingston. Professor of History and Director of Asian Studies at Temple University writing in his book Contemporary Japan: History, Politics, and Social Change Since The 1980s

CONTEMPORARY JAPAN explores the cover-up, accidents, and corruption endemic to Japan's nuclear power industry. An excellent book on modern-day Japan.

“Polls consistently reveal that 70-75 percent of Japanese have misgivings about nuclear power and fear that serious accidents might happen….”

Those fears were well founded. The history of Japan’s nuclear industry is as dark as Fukushima Prefecture was on the night of March 11th, when a 9.0 earthquake devastated  the nation and a meltdown took place at Tokyo Electric Power Company (TEPCO) ‘s Fukushima Daiichi Reactor. TEPCO is only one company among several that has had nuclear “accidents.”  In his book published in 2010, Professor Kingston describes the problems and history of Japan’s nuclear power industry. With his permission, Japan Subculture Research Center is publishing the relevant chapters from his book cited above. The book eloquently and objectively sheds light on a the problems endemic in Japan’s nuclear power plants, the ministries that oversee them, and the private companies which manage them, often quite badly and to the detriment of the general public.

pg. 149

Nuclear Follies

The Japanese government puts a great deal of faith in, and spends massive amounts of money on, nuclear energy. This reflects policy-makers’ dream of securing energy self-sufficiency and explains why two-thirds of the national energy research and development budget is devoted to nuclearpower. In terms of reducing carbon emissions and reducing dependence on oil imported from the Middle East, it is a sensible policy. However, there are good reasons why the majority of Japanese remain skeptical about nuclear power.

Japan has witnessed a series of nuclear accidents over the past two decades that raise serious concerns in an earthquake-prone nation with ambitious nuclear power plans. Japan is totally dependent on imported energy and has thus invested billions of dollars since the 1950s in developing its nuclear energy program. Public concerns about the safety of nuclear power contrast sharply with official insistence that the nation’s facilities are both safe and necessary. Polls consistently reveal that 70-75 percent of Japanese have misgivings about nuclear power and fear that serious accidents might happen.

With dwindling reserves of fossil fuels, high prices, and growing concern about greenhouse gases related to consumption of these fuels, the prospects for the nuclear power industry have brightened considerably. Advocates assert that nuclear power is the trump card in the battle to reduce emissions and curb global warming while critics suggest it is more of a wild card given the risks, high costs, and long-term waste disposal issues involved.

Japan currently operates 55 nuclear power plants, up from 32 in 1987, that supply nearly 35 percent of its electricity needs. The government plans to raise the share of energy generated by nuclear power to 41 percent by 2014. Since 1998 two nuclear power reactors have started up with six more currently slated for installation or expansion. In the following sections we examine some notorious incidents and aspects of Japan’s nuclear power program that help explain why so many Japanese have considerable qualms about the potential environmental consequences.

Tokaimura

 

The world’s most serious nuclear accident since the Chernobyl meltdown in 1986 occurred in Tokaimura in September 1999. This small village, about 70 miles from Tokyo, is known as “Nuclear Alley” because it is home to 15 nuclear-processing facilities. In 1999 workers at a uranium- processing plant accidentally triggered a runaway chain reaction that lasted for 20 hours in a facility that had no containment barriers. Mistakes in preparing nuclear fuel caused an accident that was not supposed to happen.

A stunned nation learned that the accident occurred while the workers were transferring enriched uranium in stainless steel buckets and mixing the uranium by hand and then pouring it into an open holding tank. The fail safe high-tech safety procedures lauded by nuclear industry proponents were ignored in favor of manual mixing of highly dangerous and unstable radioactive materials. The workers erred in the quantities of the solution they mixed, instead of using processing equipment at hand that had automatic controls to prevent such an accident from occurring. Investigators discovered that the workers were actually following company instructions in violating safety protocols. Since there would be no risk of an accident if workers abided by these protocols, there was no contingency plan for such an accident and no form of containment to protect area residents from the radiation.

Despite three previous nuclear mishaps at Tokaimura, public authorities were slow to react. The town authorities had no contingency plans and firefighters arrived without protective clothing because they were not informed about the nature of the accident. It took 2 days to arrange proper medical care for the three workers directly exposed to the nuclear fission and two of them died from their injuries because the hospital designated for treatment of radiation victims was not prepared to handle such cases. In 2002 the Mito District Court fined JCO, the company operating the nuclear fuel facility, JPV1 million (about $10,000) and its president an additional JPY500,000 ($5,000) while issuing suspended prison terms of two to three years for the six managers prosecuted. The cost of nuclear negligence, thus, proved rather modest.

This exposure of official bungling and the consequences of a business more concerned about profits than safety left the public even more skeptical about a nuclear program that has been plagued by safety flaws, radiation leaks, shutdowns, fires, falsification of inspections, and cover-ups.

Whistleblowing

In the summer of 2002, revelations about extensive falsification of safety records over the previous decade involving potentially dangerous problems in a number of the nation’s aging nuclear power plants indicated the low priority accorded public safety. In the aftermath, 17 reactors were shut down for a year to recheck safety systems and perform necessary maintenance and repairs. Amazingly, dozens of high-level industry executives knew of the problems and participated in a well-orchestrated cover-up to falsify inspection and repair records and certify the safety of power plants where engineers had found fissures that could prove dangerous if left unattended. More stunning was the initial handling by the Ministry of Economy, Trade, and Industry (METI) of the whistleblower’s report about the falsified safety records. A foreign subcontractor who participated in the inspections and found the problems later discovered that the results of his inspections were ignored and subsequently falsified. Later he reported these criminal acts to METI, the government ministry with oversight responsibilities for the nuclear power agency, and was again ignored.

Moreover, ministry officials apparently alerted the power companies of the whistleblower’s identity and efforts to expose their negligence. The problem was identified as how to handle the whistleblower as opposed to responding to the allegations by investigating wrongdoing, making repairs, and ensuring public safety. The media eventually blew the lid on this case, forcing the government and power industry to do what they should have done in the first place: put safety first. Ironically, the cover-up was motivated by a desire to avoid raising public concerns about nuclear power and avoid the costs of plant shutdowns that have been the financial bane of the industry. Those concerns and costs rose substantially due to this failure to comply with existing regulations. Yet again, the public learned about the need for better oversight and the low level of corporate and government ethics that lay at the heart of this scandal. In considering how Japan is changing, it is significant that this story ever came to light. As in so many other areas of life in Japan, there is a great deal more openness about topics that were once taboo or suppressed.

Alas, inadequate maintenance and inspections carries real consequences, claiming the lives of five workers in 2004 at the Mihama nuclear plant. They were scalded to death when exposed to steam leaking from a corroded pipe that had not been inspected since it was installed in 1976. Tests on the pipe after the incident showed it had lost 85 percent of its thickness, something that could have been discovered in an inspection. Nine months before the accident, a subcontractor had informed the operators about the urgent need for such inspections, but his warning was ignored. Regulations did not require regular inspections of secondary cooling cycle steam pipes so they weren’t inspected. This in a country where every car more than 3 years old is required to undergo extensive and expensive safety checks every other year. The culture of safety that should be intrinsic to nuclear power operations appears lax in far too many instances in Japan – an institutionalized complacency in industry and government that raises legitimate environmental concerns.

Kashiwazaki

In Japan, Kashiwazaki has come to mean “close call.” On July 16, 2007 a 6.8 magnitude trembler jolted beneath the world’s largest nuclear power complex located in Niigata Prefecture in a place that was not supposed to have a tectonic fault. This earthquake serves as a vivid reminder of the risks generated by nuclear power, especially in zones of seismic risk.

The good news is that a mega-disaster did not occur and, thanks to design safety margins, the seven reactors with a capacity of 8,000 MW were not damaged by an earthquake that exceeded all assumptions in the design specifications. The three reactors in operation and a fourth in start-up mode did shut down automatically as designed. Kashiwazaki had been shut down previously in 2002 because of falsifying safety data.

Tokyo Electric Power Company (TEPCO) reassurances about the negligible risk associated with this incident rang hollow in a nation accustomed to the nuclear utility industry’s lack of transparency, tardy notifications, cover-ups, and mishaps. TEPCO informed local government authorities about the radioactive leakage nearly 9 hours after the earthquake. Industry advocates emphasize the effective functioning of nuclear-related safety equipment and the absence of damage to the reactor buildings. Critics have called on the government to shut down some one-third of the nation’s 55 nuclear reactors for more robust inspections to investigate and reassess seismic risks in light of the lessons drawn from Kashiwazaki; the tremors were more than double the design benchmark. Nobody knows how many reactors may have been built on similarly flawed assumptions. The discovery of a fault beneath Kashiwazaki’s nuclear reactors has also raised concerns about relying on power companies to select and assess site suitability.

NHK aired an investigation featuring interviews with the staff that were at the plant when the quake hit. The supervisor explained that the crisis control room door jammed because of the earthquake, meaning that he and his staff were unable to enter and monitor the situation. Instead they set up a whiteboard in the parking lot and used their private mobile phones to maintain communications and monitor the seven reactors spread over　the complex. The supervisor admitted that the absence of effective centralized crisis control and poor communications with local authorities could have turned a dangerous event into a more serious disaster. Sometimes it is good to be lucky.

There are grave concerns about seismic science and the government’s credibility on safety. In 2005 a judge ruled in favor of TEPCO in a case filed by local residents of Kashiwazaki to revoke the license to build a nuclear reactor at the site. The judge ruled that the scientific evidence overwhelmingly proved that the plaintiffs’ assertion – that the plant was vulnerable to an earthquake due to a hitherto undetected fault – was baseless. Proof is in the eye of the beholder, but clearly this faulty judicial ruling has been a black eye for seismic evaluations conducted by the nuclear power industry.

Deregulation

Deregulation of the utility industry is putting pressures on operators to boost profits at the expense of safety. So just as Japan’s aging nuclear power plants, many entering their fourth decade of operation, are in more need of inspections, maintenance, and repairs, bottom-line concerns are forcing cutbacks in safety measures. Given various mishaps, cover-ups, and a culture of deceit in the nuclear power industry, there is considerable public unease with this turn of events.’ The government mandates that every nuclear power plant shut down once a year for an inspection, and in the pre-deregulation era this typically lasted 3 to 4 months. Cost-cutting measures, however, have drastically shortened inspection times to as little as 6 weeks and operators seek further reductions in costly downtime. They are also seeking to extend the shelf life of their plants to 60 years, double what experts thought prudent when they built the plants. In the context of fewer and shorter inspections, and a record of falsifying safety reports, the implications are unsettling in light of the potential harm of an accident.

Rokkasho

In northern Japan the government has established a complex for nuclear enrichment, reprocessing, and waste storage facilities. There were high hopes that the International Thermonuclear Experimental Reactor might be built there, but in 2005 this project was awarded to France. In 2007, Rokkasho commenced reprocessing of spent reactor waste to reuse as fuel. The reprocessing yields weapons-grade plutonium, raising questions about the growing size of Japan’s nuclear-weapons-usable plutonium stockpile, currently estimated at 45 tons, about 20 percent of the global total. There are also environmental concerns about the toxic release of carcinogenic tritium associated with reprocessing nuclear waste. The plant operators have been given permission to release into the ocean 2,800 times the allowed tritium release for conventional reactors.

Even operating at full capacity, Rokkasho will only be able to reprocess about 800 tons of spent fuel per year, less than the 900 tons of nuclear waste currently produced by the nation’s 55 nuclear power reactors. Given that it already has 12,600 tons of nuclear waste as of 2006, and new reactors will boost annual waste production to at least 1,200 tons per annum, the reprocessing capacity of Rokkasho is insufficient for the task at hand.

The long-term concern associated with Rokkasho is its nuclear waste storage facility. The projected total capacity for low-level nuclear waste is 3 million 200 liter drums that will be buried under mountains of soil. In addition, canisters of vitrified high-level radioactive waste are also stored there in above-ground facilities for three to five decades, after which they will be placed in an underground storage facility that will require monitoring and safekeeping for several generations. Even if safety assurances are reliable, the huge cost of handling and disposal of nuclear waste underscores just how high the stakes are in pursuing expansion of nuclear power. It is also important to factor in the cost of decommissioning older plants as their shelf life expires, involving dismantling of reactors, disposing of waste, and site clean-up operations. The nation already knows, to its regret, the high cost of improper waste management.

Closure on Minamata

Japan has overcome the toxic legacy of its rapid post-WWII development, symbolized perhaps most viscerally by Minamata disease. For decades beginning in the 1930s a chemical company dumped mercury waste into the bay off this small Kyushu fishing village. It is a long and sordid story involving a corporate cover-up aided and abetted by government officials that prolonged the dumping while the number of victims piled up. Belatedly, Chisso Corporation and government officials acknowledged their negligence for failing to stop the dumping that led to a nightmare of human toxic poisoning, causing serious nervous system damage.

Children born to affected women absorbed the mercury, to some extent detoxifying the mothers, but as a result suffered terrible deformities and shortened lives. Lawsuits filed by victims have percolated slowly through the court system since the 1970s and eventually brought incrementally and begrudgingly some measure of justice in the form of financial compensation.

Finally in 2009, the government passed legislation aimed at extending redress and medical benefits to many previously unrecognized victims. Victims, however, are not all pleased with the modality of the settlement and complain that this plan provides inadequate compensation and amounts to a reprieve for Chisso by blurring the company’s responsibility. Controversially, the new legislation requires those who receive compensation to give up ongoing litigation and waive any further claims.

For more on the Minamata incident which has remarkable parallels to the meltdown at Fukushima Daiichi Nuclear Reactor, including noted and collusive professors from Tokyo University appearing on television and denying any serious problems,  please read Contemporary Japan by Jeff. Kingston. The book is an accessible and well-informed look at the problems of modern-day Japan and its strengths. Mr. Kingston has also edited a stellar e-book for charity on the aftermath of Japan’s earthquake, Tsunami: Japan’s Post Fukushima Future.

I spent 12 years as a reporter in Japan working for the largest newspaper there–actually, the largest newspaper in the world. And there was a time when I was the beneficiary of Japan’s much criticized 記者クラブ system (Press Club). While the system can and does restrain the press, it also allows reporters access to people and news in a timely fashion that would be difficult to do otherwise in Japan’s highly centralized news industry. It’s a great means of developing sources, especially if you plan to leave the womb someday. (Most reporters don’t.)

However, now that I’ve been out of the system for a few years, I see how it warps and cripples press freedom in Japan, especially for free-lance journalists and the weekly magazines. The odious 個人情報保護法 (personal information protection act) which was the brain-child of Prime Minister Mori, who got tired of the weekly magazines writing about his yakuza connections, also has done a considerable damage to press freedom as well. The DPJ is working on a new law that will further damage the right of the Japanese people to know what the government and corporations running the country are actually doing.

TEPCO and the Japanese Government's restriction of the press freedom of independent media is shocking. Really.

On that note, I’ll get back on topic. Reporter Without Borders (国境無き記者団）aka RSF, released a statement today protesting TEPCO and Japanese government restrictions on free-lance reporters covering the aftermath of the triple meltdown, corporate malfeasance at TEPCO, and general incompetence and cronyism in the Japanese government. The entire statement is here:

All opinions on the subject would be appreciated.

Reporters Without Borders denounces the discriminatory measures taken by the Tokyo Electric Power Company (TEPCO) and the Japanese government against freelance journalists.

Only two Japanese freelances will be included among 40 accredited to the third media visit on 26 May to the Fukushima Daiichi nuclear power plant, badly damaged by the March 2011 earthquake and tsunami.

Although some photographers and camera operators will be present, neither of the two freelances will be allowed to use still cameras or video equipment.

One of them, Hatakeyama Michiyoshi, told Reporters Without Borders that a quota of four video journalists and four photographers had been set for the visit but the two who were not affiliated to news organizations would not be allowed to take any equipment.

“Such overt discrimination is a hidden form of censorship and is unacceptable,” Reporters Without Borders said.

“A year after the nuclear accident, the authorities and TEPCO are still maintaining excessive control over information about the plant and the human and environmental impact of the meltdown of its reactors.

“None of the arguments presented by government officials is valid. The right of access to information, which is meant to be guaranteed by clause 21 of the constitution, applies to all those who work in the media and to citizen journalists, not a select few.

“It is understandable that, for logistical reasons, restrictions should apply to visits but they should not be biased against freelance or foreign journalists. We urge the government to halt such discriminatory restrictions and to allow more freelance journalists to take part in the visit on 26 May.

“For their part, the two freelances who have been accredited should be allowed to take photo equipment.”

In a telephone conversation with Reporters Without Borders yesterday, the MP Yasuhiro Sonoda, parliamentary secretary at the cabinet office, put forward several arguments to support the ban on journalists taking photo and video equipment.

Referring at first to a lack of space, despite the fact that the journalists would be using two buses specially chartered for the visit, he then indicated the problem was one of time. He said photo and video equipment would have to be protected from the radiation present at the site and too large a quantity of apparatus would drastically lengthen the time needed to prepare for the visit.

The freelance Michiyoshi explained that, during the visit, the journalists would be equipped with protective suits allowing that them to spend 10 minutes at a distance of 70 to 80 metres from the building housing reactor number 4.

It was not the first time TEPCO and the Japanese government had taken discriminatory action against the media. During the second media visit to the site in February this year, for foreign journalists not included in the first visit, the organizers insisted on checking video images before they were broadcast.

Faced with objections by members of the Foreign Press Club, the Foreign Press Center and the Foreign Correspondents’ Club of Japan, the requirement was withdrawn.

A year after the nuclear disaster, restrictions on freelance journalists remain stricter than those that apply to journalists affiliated to a news organization. The foreign media are still largely under-represented.

Japan is ranked 22nd of 179 countries in the 2011-2012 World Press Freedom Index compiled by Reporters Without Borders.

Note: Nathalie-Kyoko Stucky contributed to this report and offered some assistance to RFS during their time in Japan. Just for the record. 

I spent 12 years as a reporter in Japan working for the largest newspaper there–actually, the largest newspaper in the world. And there was a time when I was the beneficiary of Japan’s much criticized 記者クラブ system (Press Club). While the system can and does restrain the press, it also allows reporters access to people and news in a timely fashion that would be difficult to do otherwise in Japan’s highly centralized news industry. It’s a great means of developing sources, especially if you plan to leave the womb someday. (Most reporters don’t.)

However, now that I’ve been out of the system for a few years, I see how it warps and cripples press freedom in Japan, especially for free-lance journalists and the weekly magazines. The odious 個人情報保護法 (personal information protection act) which was the brain-child of Prime Minister Mori, who got tired of the weekly magazines writing about his yakuza connections, also has done a considerable damage to press freedom as well. The DPJ is working on a new law that will further damage the right of the Japanese people to know what the government and corporations running the country are actually doing.

TEPCO and the Japanese Government's restriction of the press freedom of independent media is shocking. Really.

On that note, I’ll get back on topic. Reporter Without Borders (国境無き記者団）aka RSF, released a statement today protesting TEPCO and Japanese government restrictions on free-lance reporters covering the aftermath of the triple meltdown, corporate malfeasance at TEPCO, and general incompetence and cronyism in the Japanese government. The entire statement is here:

All opinions on the subject would be appreciated.

Reporters Without Borders denounces the discriminatory measures taken by the Tokyo Electric Power Company (TEPCO) and the Japanese government against freelance journalists.

Only two Japanese freelances will be included among 40 accredited to the third media visit on 26 May to the Fukushima Daiichi nuclear power plant, badly damaged by the March 2011 earthquake and tsunami.

Although some photographers and camera operators will be present, neither of the two freelances will be allowed to use still cameras or video equipment.

One of them, Hatakeyama Michiyoshi, told Reporters Without Borders that a quota of four video journalists and four photographers had been set for the visit but the two who were not affiliated to news organizations would not be allowed to take any equipment.

“Such overt discrimination is a hidden form of censorship and is unacceptable,” Reporters Without Borders said.

“A year after the nuclear accident, the authorities and TEPCO are still maintaining excessive control over information about the plant and the human and environmental impact of the meltdown of its reactors.

“None of the arguments presented by government officials is valid. The right of access to information, which is meant to be guaranteed by clause 21 of the constitution, applies to all those who work in the media and to citizen journalists, not a select few.

“It is understandable that, for logistical reasons, restrictions should apply to visits but they should not be biased against freelance or foreign journalists. We urge the government to halt such discriminatory restrictions and to allow more freelance journalists to take part in the visit on 26 May.

“For their part, the two freelances who have been accredited should be allowed to take photo equipment.”

In a telephone conversation with Reporters Without Borders yesterday, the MP Yasuhiro Sonoda, parliamentary secretary at the cabinet office, put forward several arguments to support the ban on journalists taking photo and video equipment.

Referring at first to a lack of space, despite the fact that the journalists would be using two buses specially chartered for the visit, he then indicated the problem was one of time. He said photo and video equipment would have to be protected from the radiation present at the site and too large a quantity of apparatus would drastically lengthen the time needed to prepare for the visit.

The freelance Michiyoshi explained that, during the visit, the journalists would be equipped with protective suits allowing that them to spend 10 minutes at a distance of 70 to 80 metres from the building housing reactor number 4.

It was not the first time TEPCO and the Japanese government had taken discriminatory action against the media. During the second media visit to the site in February this year, for foreign journalists not included in the first visit, the organizers insisted on checking video images before they were broadcast.

Faced with objections by members of the Foreign Press Club, the Foreign Press Center and the Foreign Correspondents’ Club of Japan, the requirement was withdrawn.

A year after the nuclear disaster, restrictions on freelance journalists remain stricter than those that apply to journalists affiliated to a news organization. The foreign media are still largely under-represented.

Japan is ranked 22nd of 179 countries in the 2011-2012 World Press Freedom Index compiled by Reporters Without Borders.

Note: Nathalie-Kyoko Stucky contributed to this report and offered some assistance to RFS during their time in Japan. Just for the record. 

Tokyo – Monday 6am, May 21st, 2012

Solar Eclipse, View from Yurakucho Denki Bld, Foreign Correpsondents' Club of Japan. Photo: Albert Siegel

 

This Monday morning, for 3 minutes, large areas of the pacific coast of Japan were able to witness an annular eclipse of the sun. It was the first time in 932 years to be visible “in such wide area, covering 0.7 percent of the earth’s surface,” the Japan Times reported.  The last annular eclipse in Tokyo was in September 1839, 173 years ago. 

Editor’s note: We were unable to travel back 932 years in time to verify the previous annular eclipse or even travel back 173 years to verify the 1839 annular eclipse either. Our apologies for relying on expert opinion and historical documentation in the fact checking process. 

“An eclipse of the sun occurs when the moon hides the sun as it passes between it and the earth. During an annular eclipse, the sun takes on the appearance of a ring or donut as the moon, Earth and Sun become aligned and the moon hides the sun’s center,” The Japan Times explained in an article. It was not known at press time if Mr. Donuts was selling a commemorative “Annular Eclipse Donut” in honor of the event.

*According to astrologers and palm readers, during this brief three-minute period even staunch Republicans suddenly  believed that children’s welfare, their education, and proper free medical care for those  kids already living were important than unborn fetuses.  People throughout the world instantly felt that  the war on poverty and oppression was more important than the war on drugs and abortion and the world’s richest felt that the unfair balance of wealth requires socialization to bring about a true democratic and equitable society. In Japan, Governor Ishihara was believed to have said while looking up at the sky, “You know, I finally understand what 住めば都 (すめばみやこ） lives. Any foreigner who likes Japan and wants to live here should be given permanent residency and free tea ceremony lessons immediately.”

 

A woman views the annular solar eclipse over Yurakucho Station in Tokyo, Monday, May 21, 2012. (Albert Siegel)

The annular eclipse was observable along a stretching band of Southern China, Japan and North America.

In Japan, a large area including Osaka, Nagoya and Tokyo could see the eclipse that started around 6 am and ended around 7:30 am.

Half Way Through Annular Solar Eclipse, Yurakucho, Ginza. (Albert Siegel)

The next time there will be a solar eclipse in Japan is in 2030 in Hokkaido. The previous one occurred in 1987, and was visible only in Okinawa.

The National Astronomical Observatory of Japan offers more information about this event in Japanese and English.

Jiji Press reported that this event have boosted 16 billion yen in sales of special viewing sunglasses and money spent in hotels to view the entire solar event, according to the estimates of an economist.

Annular Eclipse (Albert Siegel)

Annular Eclipse. Photo by Coco Masters

Albert Siegel contributed to this blog by taking the entire photos featured in this article. Coco Masters also contributed a photo to this article.

Albert Siegel is a freelance visual journalist who specializes in video, stills and editing.  He is a firm believer in the good that strong and ethical journalism brings to the world. Coco Masters is the former Time Tokyo Bureau Chief and a veteran journalist in Japan.

*The metaphysical explanation was completely made up by Jake but it sounds nice.

The Morinaga Salt and Butter Caramel (森永塩バターキャラメル） was first released in a limited edition on March 6th 2012, and quickly became legendary amongst Japan’s obsessive caramel fans known as キャラメルマン*. While Morinaga has created some classic caramels in its time, such as the 珈琲キャラメル (coffee caramel) which contains real coffee and emulates a deep brewed cup of tasty Indonesian Java, or the サツマイモキャラメル, which regrettably has no sweet potato but does have essence of sweet potato scent—they’ve truly outdone themselves with the Salt and Butter Caramel. Not only does this scrumptious culinary treat contain real butter, it uses only 100% France imported rock salt. How does it taste?

It’s hard to describe. If it was possible to lick the sweat off the God Venus herself, it might come close to the subtle, sweet, salty, and rich taste of this culinary delight. The French salt accents the butter flavoring, which is warmly met by the finely refined condensed milk and sugar blended together into a “hi-soft” rectangular caramel. At 25 calories per caramel, each tiny morsel exceeds the standard Morinaga caramel by 5 calories, but it makes a 100% difference in the taste. Once you’ve let one of these babies turn your tongue into French Toast soaked in Grade A Maple Syrup, the standard Morinaga Milk Caramel may never satisfy you again.

This buttery and salty caramel taste like the sweat of the Goddess of Love, some might say.

(*kyrameru-man aka caramel man. “man” can have a plural meaning in Japanese. Actually, I don’t think there’s a word in Japanese for people obsessed with caramels but we thought there should be such a word, so we made it up.)

Originally posted in November 2009:

U.S. Immigrations and Customs Enforcement have announced that they will share more than $60,000 in assets seized from yakuza Susumu Kajiyama with the Nevada Gaming Control Board. Kajiyama is documented in “The Emperor of Loan Sharks” (pages 213-236) in Tokyo Vice, and Special Agent Mike Cox, who appeared in the 60 Minutes clip, was instrumental in the investigation as was Special Agent Jerry Kawai.

In January 2005, ICE agents executed three federal seizure warrants targeting Los Angeles and Las Vegas bank accounts belonging to Kajiyama, 60, who is currently serving a 6 ½ year sentence in Japan on loan sharking charges. As a result of those warrants, ICE agents in Los Angeles seized two bank accounts containing approximately $342,000 from the Union Bank of California. ICE agents in Las Vegas executed a third seizure warrant targeting an account containing $250,000 in Kajiyama’s name at the MGM Grand Hotel and Casino. ICE agents in Los Angeles and Las Vegas coordinated closely with the agency’s attaché office in Tokyo and the Nevada Gaming Control Board on the case.

Read ICE’s announcement as stored on another web page here.

We all heard about the Maid Cafes in Akihabara. Maybe you have visited one once. They’re a little like the “hostess clubs” written up in  Tokyo Vice,  but not as hard-core or as expensive.  Just like in a hostess club, the customers are seeking affection and it costs a lot of money to get the people in the business to feign interest in you.

If you go there as a journalist, if you say you’re covering their world and especially their shop for the foreign media (gaikoku media/外国メディア), they might explain their job in a more cerebral way or even let you take a photo. But, if you visit the café as a fan, you are treated differently: good, and better, depending on how much money you pay. So we tried.

As a fan, you just want to spend a nice time, being taken care of by young females. You want to be their friend and maybe more, because you feel so happy when you consume their “love-powerful” beverages and sweet creamy cakes or omelets. That’s what Shunta (23), a chubby looking boy, likes to do in his spare time. Shunta lives one hour away by train  from Akihabara and his maid cafe second-home. He usually wakes up at 5 am, goes “to work” until noon, does some shopping and visits his favorite maid kissa, “The Mononopu” until midnight. Shunta is a frequent visitor of the “castle”. He has visited the samurai-maids for 5 years on a regular basis: “I come here almost every day.” Shunta said he is a furi-ta-, so he can afford to stay in such good company until the last train at night, and comes back the next day. His favorite maid is “Ritchan,” he said, pointing out a poster of her above his seat. He likes this café particularly because there is a general good atmosphere: “The maids here are not stressed out like in other places, they tend to smile more often, I simply appreciate their presence. ‘Mononopu’ is my favorite maid-kissa.”

“Kissa” stands for kissaten/喫茶店, a café in Japanese, not for “kiss.” Although Shunta dreams of receiving many kisses from his girl friends, the establishment is very strict on these kind of things: “you are not allowed to take any pictures of the place or the maids,” unless you contribute an extra 500 yen (US$6) to take an official polaroid photo together with the maid of your choice. The rules are spelled out on a placard at the entrance to remind you. It is forbidden to take a free picture of the maids and the café, its bar, sofas and chairs, however you are allowed to immortalize the cute and “love-powerful” coffee prepared especially for you. You can also photograph the omelet or the chiffon-cake baked with love and attention, “only for you.” Your name will be carefully written in ketchup sauce or chocolate cream, by your favorite maid.

Sorry if the coffee looks more than ordinary, actually it has "super-powers"

Natsuko, aka “Nattchan”, is a 654 year old maid working at Mononopu, a Sengoku era themed samurai maid bar,  in Akihabara. (Akiba, for those who are familiar with the place).  She is not really 654 years old but that’s her cover story.  As soon as you meet her in the street, she would take you to her café, where all her maid-mates are waiting for you to come back:  “Okaerinasai mase!” the happy team of kawaii maids will say as you step in their “castle”.

“Nattchan” is pretty and she looks like a doll in her half-samurai, half-maid fashion. Her mates look all the same. They just have different hair styles. Some extravagant and some very “natural.” As soon as you are inside, she will look after you and make sure all your desires are satisfied. She will talk to you. Give you special “super-powers.” Sing a song just for you. She is your friend, or your “baby sitter”, while you are there. “Nattchan’s” super-power is to make your coffee taste “as tasty as Love”, so she will say the magic words and put in the “faith, trust and pixie-dust” with her hand powers saying: “oishiiku na~re! boyo-yo-yoooon!!”

Illustration "THE SENGOKU MAID" by Matthieu Pellet, in Switzerland, from Gosh & Seiko

Don’t try to ask her real age. She lives in the Sengoku jidai/戦国時代, literally the “era of the war provinces” (Japan, 16th towards end of 17th century). The mystery about her age is now solved. As said earlier, you are not allowed to take a picture of her, and she would be very shy to tell you her (real) age, because she could risk the “penalty of death” under the rules of her shogun/将軍, for revealing her identity. But “Nattchan” secretly told us that she is a “university student”, and she works in this maid café as her “part time job.” If you really like her, you can subscribe to the “mail magazine” online, and see on which days your favorite warrior is on duty. As any due Japanese business offers, you can become a member and collect “points”. If you visit the “castle” on a rainy day, you can receive double points, for whatever reasons. And get a free drink the next time you visit.

okaerinasai-mase!

Entrance gate of the "Mononopu" Sengoku Castle (Akihabara, 2012)

 

Illustration above: Matthieu Pellet, aka Gosh, from Gosh & Seiko in Switzerland.

 

“Drip coffee, Today’s coffee, American coffee, Single Origin coffee, Vienna (spelled as “wiener”  coffee), Iced coffee, Caffe Latte, Hazelnut, Cinnamon & Coconut coffee, Caramel coffee, Sweetened Milk coffee, Matcha  (Frothy Green Tea) Café, Chocolat au Lait, Mocha Latte, Café Chocolat, Hazelnuts Mocha, Strawberry Caffe Mocha, Mocha Java, Expressio Doppio, Expresso Americano con panna, Expresso Macchiato, Cinnamon Cappuccino, Caffe Marocchino, Iced Tea, Milk Tea, Coconut Milk Tea, Caramel Milk Tea, Matcha Milk, Strawberry Vanilla Milk”

Shin’ichi Otsuki (40) is a very creative coffee roaster and owner of everyone’s favorite “coffee shop on wheels.”

He started to sell a very interesting collection of coffee flavors out of  a chocolate-coffee-brown van, the “Otsuki-Coffee-Van”, in which he organized all the steam machines and drip coffee.

Mr. Otsuki was responsible for the drinks and beverages at a well-known restaurant. He was particularly interested in coffee drinks. As a result, he designed new kinds of flavored coffee for his own shop, slightly different from all the famous chain coffee shops we know: “When I started my own business, and discovered the coffee ‘roasting’ machine more in depth, I became a big fan.”

Mr. Otsuki has no intention to expand his brand and his coffee business. He just likes selling delicious flavored coffees outdoors in a very simple way. He started his business covering Japanese seasonal festivals, omatsuri, especially in summer. His van is usually parked on the side streets of a big events. He recently stayed at soccer, golf and baseball events. But the two places he likes to open shop the most are in front of Yurakucho International Forum and in front of Tokyo University. His van is quietly parked there from 11 am until 6 pm.

Mr. Otsuki always had a passion designing drinks and drink menus: “I like this job, because I am free to create any kind of coffee on my own.”

Mr. Otsuki also has an interesting artistic sense. He insisted on driving a “chocolate-brown” van. Inside, you can find a huge variety of coffee items. And the interior is decorated in a very fashionable “chigu-hagu” style. With Japanese wooden furniture, and European style coffee containers, the van looks very half-Japanese, half-Italian. Its style is very carefully designed. So interesting, that very often, the street-walker or a tourist would take a quick picture of it. Especially when you look at it closely.

 

The "Coffee-Wagon" in front of Yurakucho International Forum

If you are a busy person, you can call up Mr. Otsuki on his mobile phone to ask him where he is in real time, and if by chance his van is driving close to where you are, you can stop by and have a nice coffee break! (You have to be lucky, otherwise try the closest Starbucks.) “It is so good to have a coffee that is not from St***, or Dou*** or Pres** for a change,” a woman queuing in front of the Brown-Coffee-Van said this afternoon, in Yurakucho.

Usually on the weekdays,  the Coffee-Van is parked in Yurakucho on Tuesday and every Wednesdays it stays at Tokyo University. Otherwise, the place of choice “varies on (Mr. Otsuki’s) mood of the day.” In Yurakucho,  salary men and office ladies are the majority of the customers. “They come to my shop after lunch, and in the late afternoon, I have more tourists stopping by,” he said. In front of Todai /東大, (Tokyo University), “I see more students and local grannies who are taking a walk around the area.”

Inside the "chigu-hagu" style Coffee-Wagon

The Coffee Van is in town every day, from Monday to Sunday, except on Thursdays, when Mr. Otsuki goes to roast his beloved beans at a special coffee shop that has a coffee roasting machine” or delivers them to other indoor coffee shops. The Brown-Coffee-Van’s coffee beans come “from all over the world”, he said, “from Africa, Indonesia, Central America.” The beans can also be purchased on the spot per 100g.

The prices of the drinks vary from 280 yen to 350 yen (around US$ 3.5 or 4). The most successful drink is the “Today’s Coffee” or the “Cimnamon Cappuccino”. The most expensive drink is the “Strawberry Caffe Mocha” (380 yen) and all the drinks are served hot or ice cold. While The Coffee Van is never easy to find, for the serious coffee fan, it’s almost worth finding it when you can. Especially for that Cinnamon Cappuccino.

The "Cinnamon Cappuccino" made by Mr. Otsuki this afternoon.